Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?> <?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="null"?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <!-- The title, author, and/or editor here should identify the original document that you are encoding. If you don't have information for one of these, or if you have multiple individuals, you can repeat the particular element--> <title>Quit India Draft Resolution (second draft)</title> <author>Congress Working Committee</author> </titleStmt> <!-- I'm still trying to figure out the best way to present the project information, but will add that asap --> <publicationStmt> <authority>Karline McLain</authority> <date>2026</date> <availability> <!-- --> <licence>Public domain</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <p>Born digital edition</p> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> <xenoData><rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:rdfs="http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#" xmlns:as="http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#" xmlns:cwrc="http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/" xmlns:foaf="http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/" xmlns:geo="http://www.geonames.org/ontology#" xmlns:oa="http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#" xmlns:schema="http://schema.org/" xmlns:xsd="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#" xmlns:fabio="https://purl.org/spar/fabio#" xmlns:bf="http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#" xmlns:cito="https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#" xmlns:org="http://www.w3.org/ns/org#"> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2026-04/quit-india-draft-resolution_second-draft_1942_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20260406102454115", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2026-04-06T14:24:54.115Z", "dcterms:modified": "2026-04-06T14:24:54.115Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/user/72", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "kmclain" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2026-04/quit-india-draft-resolution_second-draft_1942_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20260406102454115#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2026-04/quit-india-draft-resolution_second-draft_1942_0_0_0.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "4.0.0-beta.1" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2026-04/quit-india-draft-resolution_second-draft_1942_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20260406102454115#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div/head/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "This is the second draft of the \"Quit India\" anticolonial campaign. 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"as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "4.0.0-beta.1" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData></teiHeader> <text> <body> <div type="essay"> <head>Quit India Draft Resolution (second draft)<note type="scholarNote">This is the second draft of the "Quit India" anticolonial campaign. The first draft was written by Gandhi; this second draft was then edited by the members of the Congress Working Committee, who had all gathered at Sevagram Ashram in the summer of 1942.</note></head> <opener> <dateline>Sevagram <lb/> July 14, 1942</dateline></opener> <p>The events happening from day to day and the experience that the people of India are passing through confirm the opinion of Congressmen<note type="scholarNote">Congressmen = members of the Indian National Congress political party</note> that British rule in India must end immediately, not merely because foreign domination even at its best is an evil in itself and a continuing injury to the subject people, but because India in bondage can play no effective part in defending herself and in affecting the fortunes of the war<note type="scholarNote">the war = World War II</note> that is desolating humanity. The freedom of India is thus necessary not only in the interest of India, but also for the safety of the world and for the ending of Nazism, Fascism, militarism and other forms of imperialism, and the aggression of one nation over another. Ever since the outbreak of the World War, the Congress has studiedly pursued a policy of non-embarrassment. Even at the risk of making its satyagraha<note type="scholarNote">Satyagraha = nonviolent civil disobedience</note> ineffective, it deliberately gave it a symbolic character in the hope that this policy of non-embarrassment carried to its logical extreme would be duly appreciated and that real power would be transferred to popular representatives so as to enable the nation to make its fullest contribution towards the realization of human freedom throughout the world, which is in danger of being crushed. It had also hoped that negatively nothing would be done which was calculated to tighten Britain's hold on India.</p> <p>These hopes have, however, been dashed to pieces. The abortive Cripps proposals<note type="scholarNote">The 1942 Cripps Mission, led by Sir Stafford Cripps, was a failed British attempt to secure Indian cooperation for World War II by promising India self-governing dominion status within the British Empire and a Constituent Assembly after the war concluded.</note> showed in the clearest possible manner that there was no change in the British Government's attitude towards India and that the British hold on India was in no way to be relaxed. In the negotiations with Sir Stafford Cripps, Congress representatives tried their utmost to achieve a minimum, consistent with the national demand, but to no avail. This frustration has resulted in a rapid and widespread increase of ill-will against Britain and a growing satisfaction at the success of Japanese arms.</p> <p>The Working Committee<note type="scholarNote">The Working Committee = the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress</note> view this development with grave apprehension as this, unless checked, will inevitably lead to a passive acceptance of aggression. The Committee hold that all aggression must be resisted, for any submission to it must mean the degradation of the Indian people and the continuation of their subjection. The Congress is anxious to avoid the experience of Malaya, Singapore, and Burma and desires to build up resistance to any aggression on or invasion of India by the Japanese or any foreign power. The Congress would change the present ill-will against Britain into goodwill and make India a willing partner in a joint enterprise of securing freedom for the nations and peoples of the world and in the trials and tribulations which accompany it. This is only possible if India feels the glow of freedom.</p> <p>The Congress representatives have tried their utmost to bring about a solution of the communal tangle. But this has been made impossible by the presence of the foreign power and only after the ending of foreign domination and intervention, can the present unreality give place to reality and the people of India, belonging to all groups and parties, face India's problems and solve them on a mutually agreed basis.</p> <p>The present political parties formed chiefly with a view to attract the attention of and influence the British power, will then probably cease to function. For the first time in India's history, the realization will come home that the Princes, 'jagirdars,'<note type="scholarNote">Jagirdar = a type of landlord who collects rent and taxes from the land's tenants</note> 'zamindars'<note type="scholarNote">Zamindar = a type of landlord who collects rent and taxes from the land's tenants, particularly tenant farmers</note> and propertied and moneyed classes derive their wealth and property from the workers in the fields and factories and elsewhere, to whom essentially power and authority must belong. On the withdrawal of British rule in India, responsible men and women of the country will come together to form a provisional government, representative of all important sections of the people of India which will later evolve a scheme by which a Constituent Assembly can be convened in order to prepare a Constitution for the Government of India acceptable to all sections of the people. Representatives of free India and representatives of Great Britain will confer together for the adjustment of future relations and for the co-operation of the two countries as allies in the common task of meeting aggression.</p> <p>It is the earnest desire of the Congress to enable India to resist aggression effectively with the people's united will and strength behind it. In making the proposal for the withdrawal of the British rule from India, the Congress has no desire whatsoever to embarrass Great Britain or the Allied powers in their prosecution of the war, or in any way to encourage aggression on India or increase pressure on China by the Japanese or any other power associated with the Axis group. Nor does the Congress intend to jeopardize the defensive capacity of the Allied powers.</p> <p>The Congress is, therefore, agreeable to the stationing of the armed forces of the Allies in India, should they so desire, in order to ward off and resist Japanese or other aggression and to protect and help China. The proposal of withdrawal of the British power from India was never intended to mean the physical withdrawal of all Britishers from India, and certainly not of those who would make India their home and live there as citizens and as equals with the others. If such a withdrawal takes place with goodwill it would result in the establishing of a stable provisional government in India and co-operation between this government and the United Nations in resisting aggression and helping China. The Congress realizes that there may be risks involved in such a course. Such risks, however, have to be faced by any country in order to achieve freedom, and more especially at the present critical juncture in order to save the country and the larger cause of freedom the world over from far greater risks and perils. While, therefore, the Congress is impatient to achieve the national purpose it wishes to take no hasty steps and would like to avoid, in so far as is possible any course of action that might embarrass the United Nations. The Congress would be pleased with the British power if it accepts the very reasonable and just proposal herein made not only in the interest of India but also that of Britain and of the cause of freedom, to which the United Nations proclaim their adherence. Should, however, this appeal fail the Congress cannot view without the gravest apprehension the continuation of the present state of affairs involving a progressive deterioration in the situation and the weakening of India's will and power to resist aggression. The Congress will then be reluctantly compelled to utilize all the non-violent strength it might have gathered since 1920 when it adopted non-violence as part of its policy for the vindication of the political rights and liberty. Such a widespread struggle would inevitably be under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. As issues raised are of the most vital and far-reaching importance to the people of India as well as to the peoples of the United Nations the Working Committee refer them to the All-India Congress Committee for final decision. For this purpose the A.I.C.C.<note type="scholarNote">A.I.C.C. = the All India Congress Committee</note> will meet in Bombay on the 7th of August, 1942.</p> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>
