Feminism and literature

Juggling Contradictions

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 <head>Juggling Contradictions: Feminism, the Individual and What's Left</head>
 <byline><persName key="Joan Braderman" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q28911659">Joan Braderman</persName></byline>
 <div>In this essay, I would like to suggest where feminism can lead us and what myths must
 finally be left behind to get there. The nature of these myths—the myths of equality,
 individualism and democratic liberalism—which underwrite our humanist heritage, account
 for the weakest elements of feminist ideology. The recognition that feminism is an
 ideology, like <persName key="Karl Marx" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9061" type="real">Marx</persName>'s recognition that humanism is an ideology (i.e., not a
 discourse whose "truth" was inseparable from the world it described) is a necessary step
 in re-examining what feminism is and what it can do. 
 I will use as a conceit the form of "the contradiction"—that underlying, dynamic
 mechanism of history—in a way that is sometimes more metaphorical than concrete. I take
 the liberty of using this model rhetorically at times to begin to establish a series of
 interrelationships between ideologies and their culture. I use it to suggest the many
 ways the several spheres of interest to <title key="Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q17022558"><emph>Heresies</emph></title> readers—art, feminism and their
 political context—are subject to a set of analogous and mutually reinforcing ideological myths. Most feminists and artists alike are still held captive by the power of these
 seductive belief systems, although they threaten the coherence of our arguments,
 threaten our interests and threaten the very survival of the ideal of freedom.
 A confrontation between the facts and fictions which surround us becomes inevitable
 within an escalating spiral of contradictions. The first group to experience directly
 the essential contradictions of the society we live in is, of course, the lowest
 class: the unemployed, the poorest, least skilled, most exploited working people. Next,
 the marginal groups, in North America: people of color, immigrants, the elderly, etc.
 Artists are marginal too. They feel the economic squeeze in recessions, may even become
 politicized as a result. And across all these groups are women. As groups, then, women
 and artists have a low priority in the hierarchy of capital.
 To give up the humanist myths, those most cherished ideals of our own class, the
 bourgeoisie, which were forged when it was the revolutionary class, is difficult indeed.
 But give them up we must, for in the face of heightening contradictions–economic,
 biological, ideological—we have no choice. 
 By 1976, the women's movement seems to have nearly as many political lines as there are
 women in it. This partly healthy, partly disturbing fact reflects with painful clarity
 both the strengths and implicit weaknesses of the feminist critique of society. What is
 feminist practice? What is it to be a feminist in 1976? Is it to be an individual woman
 "making it" in a man's world? Is it to recognize woman's historical oppression and,
 released from individual frustration and guilt, to take on collective responsibility?
 What is the nature of such a responsibility? Is it restricted to oneself? To oneself and
 the women one sees every week? Is this a responsibility to oneself, to women, to men, to
 history? In short, is feminism, as an ideology, fundamentally dangerous to the sexism it
 despises? If so, how?
 To many women, enmeshed in the growing contradictions of late capitalist society,
 feminism, by 1976, has proven as much a trap as a liberation. What seemed to so many of
 us as little as five years ago a potentially revolutionary force now appears to be
 virtually co-opted. The great capitalist commodity machine has produced a whole new
 catalogue of cultural commodities: the feminist writer, artist, poet; the feminist
 academic, professional, journalist, TV persona; the feminist token with that "<emph>feminist</emph>
 mystique." She is for sale in the cultural marketplace. She is tough, durable,
 tireless. She is "sexually liberated" (a great lay). She works harder than a man. She
 has to. She is still a <emph>woman</emph> in a world that calls people "mankind." That is, "equality"
 for women still equals inequality for women. This is a contradiction.
 What kind of contradiction? It is a contradiction between the ideology of bourgeois
 feminism and economic and biological fact. The economic facts of life for the great
 majority of women remain the same: unpaid domestic labor, ill-paid labor in the work
 force. Biological fact (which is gender difference along with its cultural baggage)
 proposes a contradiction, even for those of us who are female tokens of one sort or
 another, who <emph>are</emph> members of the bourgeoisie.
 Our psychosexual behavior, like our economic roles, is wholly determined by an
 inherited system of power relations, not only in the public sector, but at deeper
 levels, in the formation—within the family—of the psyche itself. Hence, as <persName key="Juliet Mitchell" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q453560">Juliet
 	Mitchell</persName> so carefully <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_091.jpg"/> describes, <note type="scholarNote">Mitchell, Juliet, "<title>Women and Equality</title>," in <orgName key="Partisan Review" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1930723">Partisan Review</orgName> (Summer, 1975)</note> it is the <emph>concept of equality</emph> which is
 invalid within our system. The abstract ideal of equality, she demonstrates, provides
 the philosophical basis for our laws. Our legal system, at its best, functions <emph>as if</emph>
 each of its individual constituents were equal. If some people have only their labor to
 sell, and this labor produces more value than it returns to the laborer, an unequal
 exchange has taken place. The laborer, then, and the owner of the means to produce that
 "surplus value" are not equal. If some people are denied, by virtue of their color,
 access even to the skills of labor, to whom are they equal? If half of all people have
 babies and half do not, are they all "equal"? Logical incompatabilities arise: what is
 different is not the same, and gender (among other things) means difference.
 Radical feminism has tried to take on this contradiction, indeed proclaimed it <emph>the</emph>
 essential contradiction in our form of social organization. Between biology and destiny,
 it proposes, stands consciousness. Woman's oppression vertically crosses class lines,
 crosses race lines; women, armed with "consciousness" would speak to each other across a
 history of divisions and change the world. Women's groups would not only clarify the
 areas of shared experience which foster that consciousness, but would serve as support
 communities. With sisterhood for strength, women would hit male supremacy where it
 lived: at home. Yet what, after all, has changed? The quality of life for a few
 privileged women—a small step. Was all that fervor, sisterhood and revolutionary
 idealism that was meant to reinvent the terms for a mass movement so easily engorged,
 packaged and recycled?
 For radical feminism too has been partially co-opted. Since it had already dropped out
 of the broader (sexist) political arena, it provided support systems for women, but
 toward an uncertain end. Seeing few alternatives and tantalized by a taste of power
 women often used that strength to re-enter the dominant culture to become as
 competitive, as "good" as men. Has the women's movement had so little concrete impact on
 most women's lives?
 Certainly the patriarchy was sufficiently threatened to let the feminist token into the
 limelight. (Why co-opt without advertising the co-opted product?) But she did not make
 it into the statistics. The economic facts so far as most women are concerned remain
 unchanged: unpaid domestic labor; ill-paid labor in the work force. The wage
 differential between men and women in fact is now greater than it was ten years ago.
 Even the hard-won victory of abortion (<emph>for a price</emph>), even the possibility of "equal
 rights" before the very laws which uphold a system of inequality, are a slap in the face
 to an ideology which aimed to alter the very "nature“ of human relationships. This too
 is a contradiction. 
 What kind of contradiction? It is a contradiction between an ideology and a system; an
 ideology which has placed its profoundly humanist hope in individual consciousness as
 somehow separable from the structures in which that consciousness is created.
 Demystifying the contradictory elements of traditional feminism itself, then, is part of
 our task. In capitalist society, the process through which human labor is translated
 into commodity, then capital, is a process necessarily affecting not only the production of tractors and bombs but the production of <emph>ideology</emph>. This process puts
 intellectual labor, like esthetic labor, like factory labor, like reproductive labor, in
 the service of a system which generates a surplus of wealth for the few and subsistence
 for the many. This contradiction—between the forces of production (labor) and the
 property relations of production (ownership) is <emph>the</emph> contradiction which Marxists claim moves history, because it produces class struggle: the
 power of masses of people to labor becomes the power to revolt.
 This contradiction <emph>has</emph> moved history. But, feminists ask, has it altered the basic
 relation between woman and man, woman and childrearing, woman and psychosexual slavery?
 For the hypocrisy of bourgeois ideology in relation to bourgeois practice is
 paradigmatic within the structure of the family. Marriage, ostensibly a contractual
 agreement between consenting equals, is in fact a property relation between an owner and
 an exploited, isolated and powerless worker.
 It is the belief in the illusion that such social contracts can be fulfilled that has
 hung feminists on the horns of contradiction. Feminism was born in the 17th century
 along with the concept of equality of individuals. It was, as <persName key="Sheila Rowbotham" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q432851">Sheila
 Rowbotham</persName> has documented, <note type="scholarNote">Rowbotham, Sheila,
 <title key="Rowbotham, Sheila. | Women, resistance and revolution" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/7667153954881305680001/">Women, Resistance and
 Revolution</title>, Vintage Books (New York,
 1974).</note> heated in the cauldron of bourgeois revolution and simmered in the
 idealism of 19th-century Utopianism à la <persName key="Charles Fourier" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q181707" cert="high" type="real">Fourier</persName>, who
 claimed that "the change in historical epoch can always be determined by the progress of
 women toward freedom." <note type="scholarNote">Ibid., p. 51</note>
 Bourgeois feminism has begun, then, in its history of leaps and starts, to identify and
 attack its sexist enemy, and taken a few long strides away from female feudalism for the
 benefit of some bourgeois women. But the heart of the problem remains. Feminists from
 <persName key="Tennessee Claflin" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7700030">Tennessee Claflin</persName> to <persName key="Isadora Duncan" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q483512" cert="high" type="real">Isadora Duncan</persName> have scored high in locating
 it. "At the ballot box is not where the shoe pinches...It is at home where the husband is
 the supreme ruler that the little difficulty arises; he will not surrender this absolute
 power unless he is compelled," wrote Claflin in 1871. <note type="scholarNote"><persName key="Schneir, Miriam" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/114917240/">Schneir,
 Miriam</persName>, ed., <title key="Feminism: The Essential Historical Writings" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q104874805">Feminism: The Essential Historical
 Writings</title>, Vintage Books (New York, 1972), p. xviii.</note> Duncan, in her
 1927 autobiography said, "Any intelligent woman who reads the marriage contract and then
 goes into it, deserves all the consequences." <note type="scholarNote">Ibid., p.
 XV.</note> Here is the confounding point. Monogamy asserts a situation in which one
 	individual "owns" another. It is not ownership <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_092.jpg"/> <emph>per se</emph> that is in question
 now, but again, the mystification of what the individual is and can control. In
 participating in the compromised "equality" of marriage, each individual agrees to
 propagate the species in the context of the values of patriarchy. Values are learned,
 sexuality is formed, ideology is maintained—within the family.
 When feminists claim that "the personal is political" they refer, in a sense, to this problem. Their
 hypothesis is that one can generalize from the individual, internal dynamics of sexist
 oppression, to a general rule. <persName key="Sigmund Freud" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9215" type="real">Freud</persName>'s revelation
 of the structures of the unconscious confirms to an extent the validity of that
 enterprise. But up to now feminists have not taken it far enough. Having accepted the
 existence of subconscious structural analogues which mirror the differences between the
 sexes in the world, we can now proceed with the knowledge that, as a group, we are bound
 not only by the manifest political forms of our oppression but by these internal psychic
 monsters. In attempting to combat these monsters, however, feminists have often mistaken
 the cart for the horse. The personal is political—but with few exceptions, this
 invocation has simply generated a longer list of symptoms of the sexist disease. We must
 locate the causes of this disease if we are ever to cure it. We must exploit Freud's
 science of the mind, but only insofar as it is conjoined with the science of history;
 that is to say out of the context of individualism.
 Sisterhood is really powerful only insofar as it is armed with a coherent theory and a
 mass strategy. We are in and of our culture; so is the feminist ideal. We must pursue,
 with maximum scientific rigor, the vanguard theories of culture which culture has
 produced. We must use the best available tools to locate the incoherence—the
 contradictions—in extant phallocentric models and generate predictive models based in
 the experience of both halves of the human race. Feminists who wish to throw Freud out
 the window because of simplistic readings of "penis envy" current in popular psychology
 might well take a look at Mitchell's <title><emph>Feminism and Psychoanalysis</emph></title> for a re-examination of the usefulness of psychoanalysis to
 feminist analysis. Her effort there is exemplary. We cannot just look back
 nostalgically to ancient matriarchies. Indeed, fantasies about matriarchy in our era are
 pure science fiction. But their existence does suggest that alternate models for culture
 <emph>can</emph> exist.
 Recent controversy over Mitchell's book, among feminists and male psychoanalytic
 theorists here and abroad, suggests the "hotness" of this issue. Interestingly, this
 relation of sexuality to political economy is also being strongly developed outside a
 feminist context, most prominently on a major intellectual front—in the tradition of
 French structuralism. European feminists, especially in England and France, have thus
 been drawn to that tradition as heightened contradictions impel them to seek out means
 for their resolution. The main tendency in this area is necessarily phallocentric: it is
 still being written largely through the cipher of a male experience of the world. But if
 we as women don’t begin to write ourselves into history, who will? For so far, compared
 to the scope of the theoretical, strategic and practical task ahead, the "woman
 question" has really only been given lip service by the most advanced intellectual
 sciences —not surprising since they are "man-made."
 
 <persName key="Friedrich Engels" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q34787">Engels</persName>, Marx and others have, of course, identified the monogamous,
 patriarchal family as the central prison for woman. Mechanistic Marxists therefore claim
 that releasing her from this singular prison into the work force (under socialism) must
 guarantee her freedom. Does it? Has it?
 Not significantly; not yet. The major 20th-century socialist revolutions have made some
 progress, removing, as in China, the most barbaric manifestations of sexist domination.
 Immediately following the Soviet revolution, <persName key="Vladimir Lenin" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1394" type="real">Lenin</persName>'s program
 included not only the training of women to join the work force at all levels, but the
 legalization of abortion, free, accessible divorce, communal daycare, etc. Within ten
 years, however, Stalinist backlash hit these family issues hardest; much harder,
 predictably, than the building of an extra-domestic women's work force. In China, with
 the Cultural Revolution and before, ideological struggle against the values of
 patriarchy has at least begun. But in the U.S.S.R., in the context of
 their drive to quickly meet economic priorites which created the bastard known as "state
 capitalism," it was easier to fall back on the ingrained behaviors of the traditional
 family unit for free work by women in the home.
 The American Communist Party reflects this tendency, still defending the
 "fighting family unit" as a revolutionary force—in America, a reactionary notion. In
 fact, mothers have been strong revolutionaries. The strength of the women of Vietnam in
 the long battle to defeat American imperialism is a case in point. But, as in Algeria,
 where fighting European imperialism also meant the reassertion of the heavily
 patriarchal values of Arab and Islamic culture, women's fate has most often been: off
 the battlefield and back to the kitchen. The contradictions of the double standard
 apparently are so heightened during periods of revolution that, as with Bolsheviks like <persName key="Alexandra Kollontai" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q179558">Alexandra Kollontai</persName>, the
 preaching and practice of "free love" (and all it implies) becomes acceptable —for a
 brief time. Despite Lenin's great sympathy and work for women, his Victorianism won out in the area of sex. Even the Soviet woman engineer
 comes home to work that is still hers, and still never <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_093.jpg"/> done.
 In the U.S., too, anti-feminist backlash, somewhat reminiscent of the Stalinist attack
 on women's freedom, splits American feminism down its uncertain center. Though
 reformists suggest that there is room in a liberal America to heal the wounds of women,
 liberalism is particularly dangerous since it cleverly masks its own conservatism, its
 own investment in the status quo. Liberal ideology neatly instantiates the two-part form
 of the contradiction. "Its progressive side provides a rationale for defending the
 rights of individuals against the state. Its reactionary side emphasized that capitalism
 is not a system where one class exploits another but is rather a collection of
 individuals, any one of whom can succeed if he or she so decides."<note type="scholarNote"><persName key="Guettel, Charnie." ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/1981898/" type="real">Guettel,
 Charnie</persName>, <title><title>Marxism and Feminism</title></title>, Women's Educational Press (Ontario, Canada, 1974), p. 2.</note>
 I hope it is becoming clear how ideologically messy liberalism really is from a
 post-humanist perspective in which the individual can no longer be seen as the subject
 of history. Liberalism is seen by leftists as a joke because it bears so tenuously the
 wan hopes of a bankrupt humanism and is ultimately, untenable. Even hardcore
 conservatism is more internally coherent. Conservatives and Marxists alike might
 describe capitalism as a system in which the "stronger" individuals make out. The
 difference, of course, is that conservatives say so approvingly, grounding their
 argument in the old dog-eat-dog theory of what they call human nature. Marxists have
 favored the idea that the industrial capitalist system tends to pervert or alienate what
 is potentially, or at a given historical moment "good" in human beings. Stated so
 simply, both are inadequate readings but at least they rehearse the consistency of these
 positions.
 The liberal wants to enjoy the fruits of his class privilege while salving his guilty
 conscience with a quasi-philosophic posture proposing that every individual (being
 protected by 'equality' before the law, by 'equal' opportunity measures, etc.) could
 theoretically be enjoying this same privilege if he or she were as hard-working and
 dauntless as him/herself. Thus the liberal buys off with a little charity or minimal
 social welfare all those who, by some extreme individual misfortune, can’t quite cut
 it. 
 Here we return to the underbelly of co-optation. While a bill assuring equal
 rights before unequal laws is flung in our faces, and even defeated (adding insult to
 injury), the dominant media simultaneously declare the women's movement to be "over" or
 somehow "won" because of the presence of one and a half news anchor-women on TV or the
 financial viability of <title key="Ms." ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3656351"><emph>Ms. Magazine</emph></title>. Capitalist propaganda demonstrates before our eyes
 that by inference, if one woman can do work that one man can do, women are the achieved
 "equals" of men. The responsibility for change is thus cleverly switched back onto the
 shoulders of <emph>individual</emph> women; to change the world, all you really must do is
 change yourself. And the mapping of contradictions comes full circle. The liberal
 feminist, like the liberal social democrat, learns to sate herself on the token goodies
 she is tendered. Or the radical feminist (who, lacking a viable mass strategy, is a
 liberal in disguise) tries to build a separatist island on which she and her sisters can
 be "free." It's a dilemma. I was, and in some ways still am, such a radical feminist.
 After all, I am a member of the women's group which publishes this magazine. We try to
 experiment with anti-oligarchic forms, collective practice. But what is an egalitarian
 island in a sea of capitalist contradictions but something doomed, as it were, to
 sinking?
 Witness a little linguistic contradiction and the issues it raises for us in <emph>Heresies</emph>.
 We are constituted as a collective. Adopting one of the stronger aspects of feminist
 practice, we attempt to chip away at the hierarchical authority structures of The
 System on a micro level by
 attempting to produce a theoretical magazine on a collective basis. The assumption here
 is that theory and practice must develop together in a dialectical relationship. But in
 order to function as a legal entity, we are transformed to Heresies Collective, Inc.; an
 incorporated collective. This is either redundant or ironic. The fact is, we don't even
 aspire to making profits but are completely dependent on the legal and business
 structures around us. This dependence relation, the impossibility of autonomy within a given economic
 structure, has meant about a two-year life-span for most American collectives before us,
 according to popular lore. This dependence also means that artists, particularly those
 artists being forced by heightened economic contradictions to face political realities,
 must re-examine their place in our culture. The feminist filmmaker for example, has had
 to confront this issue head on. Film, more than any other artform, requires the mastery of machine technology. For women, that technology and the authority it connotes has
 been historically taboo. There are exceptions in the history of film  but the percentage
 of women filmmakers is dramatically low for a 20th-century art. Feminists with the
 energy and support of their sisters in the movement have begun to break that taboo. But
 in doing so, they have been thrown against a major contradiction facing all
 "independent" filmmakers: the problem of capital. For to make films requires large
 amounts of capital, capital which is controlled by the ruling classes, middle-class
 liberals included.
 Advocates of independent filmmaking from <persName key="Maya Deren" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q450382">Maya Deren</persName> in the 1940s
 (implicitly) to <persName key="Annette Michelson" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q21176228" type="real">Annette
 Michelson</persName> in the 1960s (explicitly in her article "<title>Film and the
 Radical Aspiration</title>") <note type="scholarNote"><orgName>In <title key="Sitney, P. Adams. | Film culture reader" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/6125154387351330970000/">Film Culture
 Reader</title></orgName>, ed., <persName key="P. Adams Sitney" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7117121">P. Adams Sitney</persName>,
 Praeger (New York, 1970).</note> have proposed that a stance
 	outside of the commercial market is itself a "political" gesture. It is—to the <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_094.jpg"/><pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_095.jpg"/> extent that money can be garnered from liberals to make "art" as long as it
 is not fundamentally dangerous. But can any political art which attempts to attack the
 assumptions of The System <emph>from within</emph> patriarchal capitalism actually threaten it? This
 has been and will be an area of debate for many political estheticians and artists and
 can hardly be answered here.
 But we can and must confront the question. From what is the "independent" filmmaker or
 artist independent? She is not independent from the need to make a living. She is not
 independent from the need for capital—money which gives the power to make her films and
 distribute her films within a tight commercial media monopoly. When a feminist wonders
 why capitalists won’t hand over the money to make antisexist films, she, like her
 "independent" male counterpart, must face the terms of her dependence. She has begun
 to beg, borrow or steal (translated as win grants, go into debt, etc.) the capital to
 write herself into visual history, making films about the experience of women; viz: the
 films of <persName key="Julia Reichert" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1711898" type="real">Julia Reichert</persName>, <persName key="Yvonne Rainer" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q452238">Yvonne Rainer</persName>, <persName key="Barbara Kopple" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q449349" type="real">Barbara
 Kopple</persName>, <persName key="Chantal Akerman" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q239823">Chantal Ackerman</persName>, and many
 others. But who actually sees these films? They are shown in women's festivals, in
 avant-garde and political forums in a few major cities. She is, in short, caught in that
 same economic trap. Cooperatives for pooling resources and sharing distribution efforts,
 such as New
 Day Films, are beginning to form; they are collectives like <emph>Heresies</emph>. But
 the absolute dependence on the inconsistent, discrimate charity of liberals is the
 underside of that ultimately romantic hope for "independence." The terms for
 independence, then, among artists and feminists, are the very terms of dependence. Yet
 another contradiction.
 I would like to convince all feminists that it is time to realign with the Left.
 Current economic realities, heightening contradictions, and the topography of world
 imperialism reaching its limits, are forcing many groups in America to confront their
 need for unity. The traditionally sectarian American Left itself is beginning to move
 toward coalition and alliance, toward unity across color lines, across race lines,
 across class lines <emph>and</emph> across gender lines. Within such a potential
 configuration women could speak to other women. We are beginning to recognize that all
 oppressed peoples within capitalism must come together if we are even to begin to be
 able to defend ourselves against the attacks and backlash of this system, much less to
 build a new one.
 Several feminist strategies for such a realignment of women with the broader struggle
 for freedom are presented in this issue of Heresies (see "Toward Socialist-Feminism" and "Wages for Housework"). This
 does not mean that women will not have to continue to force the priority of their own
 demands in relation to the needs of others. Women will need autonomy to develop theory
 and strategy accountable to our own needs within a broad movement, to avoid the failures
 of socialist experiments in the past. Thus, we must make our fight in the context of a
 movement we help to define and build, a movement that can take on the class
 contradiction as well as the racial and sexual contradictions implicit in the structures
 of the larger society. For, on these structures, the fate of all women, like it or not,
 is inextricably dependent. To wed feminism to the myths and false hopes of liberal
 idealism is to contribute to the systematic liquidation of its potential power.</div>
			</div>
 </body>

<back>
			<div>Joan Braderman is completing her doctorate in film and political theory at
					N.Y.U., writes theory and criticism and makes 16mm films. She teaches
				film at The School of Visual Arts in New York City, is a
				political activist and likes to sing. </div>
		</back>

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	<text>
		<body>
			<pb cert="high" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_029.jpg" generatedBy="human" xml:space="default" n="27"/>
			<div>
				<head>
					<title>Adman</title>
				</head>
				<byline><persName key="Zelvin, Elizabeth" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/285000059/"><persName key="Elizabeth Zelvin" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q112492894">Elizabeth Zelvin</persName></persName></byline>
			</div>

<div>
				<lg>
					<l>twelve years later, how funny running into you</l>
					<l>i remember you in glasses and a bowtie</l>
					<l>before mad avenue bought space</l>
					<l>in the revolution</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>you are conscientiously updated</l>
					<l>you have let your hair grow longer</l>
					<l>in that slick packaged heaven</l>
					<l>where good admen go</l>
					<l>you will play electric harp</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>you have remembered every moment</l>
					<l>all this time</l>
					<l>and remind me of it over steak</l>
					<l>which you have paid for</l>
					<l>your revolution balks at going dutch</l>
					<l>mine will be vegetarian by next week</l>
					<l>but just this once i'll buy your buying me</l>
					<l>my steak</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>i'm curious to remember how it feels</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>i took my diaphragm everywhere in those days</l>
					<l>the only part i remember is when you said</l>
					<l>why don’t we go ahead, do what we’ve both been thinking</l>
					<l>but i hadn’t, honestly, or i would never</l>
					<l>have put my flannel nightgown on</l>
					<l>sorry, i don’t remember</l>
					<l>anything that happened after that</l>
					<l>it was all so long ago</l>
					<l>and meant so little</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>twelve years ago, before the revolution</l>
					<l>it was usually too much trouble to say no</l>
					<l>especially when the man had bought you</l>
					<l>steak</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>you are curious to remember how it feels</l>
					<l>but i have chewed and sat with downcast eyes</l>
					<l>letting you tell some patent Barbie me</l>
					<l>that i'm more womanly (sic) than your ex-wife</l>
					<l>and feel i've paid enough</l>
					<l>thanks for the steak, good seeing you again</l>
					<l>i mouth, let's get together soon</l>
					<l>i do not say, there’s been a revolution</l>
					<l>and there have been too many one night stands</l>
				</lg>
			</div>
		</body>
		<back>
			Elizabeth Zelvin is a writer living in New York who has poems appearing in <title key="WomanSpirit" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q48732990">Womanspirit</title> and <title key="13th Moon" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q95584323">13th Moon</title>. She has
				recently completed a book about an alternative marriage, and among her other
				interests are "singing and song-writing, teaching creative movement, and trying to
				understand the synthesis of anarchism and feminism." 
		</back>
	</text>
</TEI>

Zucchini Poem

Alone

<byline><persName>Deborah Hiller</persName></byline>

<lg>
 <l>She who walks alone and dreams</l>
 <l>will remain lonely.</l>
 </lg>
 <lg>
 <l>She who sleeps with her pillow</l>
 <l>only dreams of her pillow as partner.</l>
 </lg>
 <lg>
 <l>But she who sits in her cell,</l>
 <l>and writes</l>
 <l>will master this world.</l>
 </lg>
 </body>

<back>From <title>Songs from a Free Space/Writings</title> by Women in Prison, edited by <persName key="Carol Muske-Dukes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5044485">Carol Muske</persName> and <persName>Gail Rosenblum</persName>, New
				York, n. d.
			</back>

</text>
</TEI>

Astrology Hype

<lg>
 <l> While in prison six months</l>
				<l>my horoscope predicted:</l>
				<l>"Travel to exciting places.</l>
				<l>New career opportunities.</l>
				<l>Romance and adventure."</l>
 </lg>
 <lg>
				<l>So far—I've traveled from jail</l>
				<l>to Manhattan Supreme Court.</l>
				<l>My pay scale has increased from 10 to 25¢ per hour.</l>
				<l>Numerous other inmates have made</l>
				<l>overtly sexual advances to me</l>
				<l>in vacant stairwells.</l>
 </lg>
 <lg>
				<l>Honey,</l>
				<l>that's not my idea of a rising sign.</l>
			</lg>
 </body>
 </text>
</TEI>

Ten Ways of Looking at Prison Lunch

<head><title>Ten Ways of Looking at Prison Lunch</title></head>
				<byline><persName><persName>Gloria Jensen</persName></persName></byline>
				<note>(With apologies to <persName key="Wallace Stevens" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q166835">Wallace Stevens</persName>)</note>
			
 <list>
				<item>1. With both hands over your eyes, releasing
				one hand slowly to peep.</item>
				<item>2. Through the eyes of a friend you have by
				the hand—who reads braille.</item>
				<item>3. In the bing [solitary] where you can refuse
				to have the thing brought in at all and just lie
				there and sleep.</item>
				<item>4. From across the steam line, where people
				marvel at your petite body (if only they knew
				it's not by <emph>choice</emph> you prefer to remain frail and
				cautious).</item>
				<item>5. From a prison visitor's point of view — when
				suddenly, miraculously, all one sees is steak,
				greens and potatoes.</item>
				<item>6. From your window late at night as you
				watch one man run with a rake, followed by
				another with a sack, followed by a corrections
				officer, followed by a ruckus you've not seen
				but heard — then all three returning, dragging
				a heavy sack.</item>
				<item>7. Witnessing something come ashore in the
				bay and thinking: my, but it gave up a great
				fight.</item>
				<item>8. Wondering why they have signs saying DO
				NOT PEE ON THE GRASS. Then seeing the
				kitchen girls go out, mow it down and bring it in.</item>
				<item>9. Good Friday—when all the world's
				generous and the relief truck pulls up to the
				kitchen door to drop off loads of potatoes they
				couldn't unload anywhere else.</item>
				<item>10. Seeing more clearly the lunch of steak,
				greens and potatoes—as you attack the steak
				first and realize the fight you witnessed (#6) is
				not yet over, for the beast is biting you now too.</item>
			</list>
 </body>
 <back>
 
				*From <title>Songs from a Free Space/Writings by Women in</title>, edited by <persName key="Carol Muske-Dukes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5044485">Carol Muske</persName> and <persName key="Rosenblum, Gail" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/162983592/">Gail Rosenblum</persName>, New
				York, n. d.
			
 </back>

</text>
</TEI>

Notes From the First Year

<respStmt>
					<persName>Haley Beardsley</persName>
					<resp>Editor, encoder</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Erica Delsandro</persName>
					<resp>Investigator, editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Margaret Hunter</persName>
					<resp>Editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Diane Jakacki</persName>
					<resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName>
					<resp>Editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Olivia Martin</persName>
					<resp>Editor, encoder</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Bri Perea</persName>
					<resp>Editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Roger Rothman</persName>
					<resp>Investigator, editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName>
					<resp>Editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Maggie Smith</persName>
					<resp>Editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<respStmt>
					<persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName>
					<resp>Editor</resp>
				</respStmt>
				<funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder>
				<funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder>
				<funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder>
				<funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder>
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					<name>Bucknell University</name>
					<address>
						<street>One Dent Drive</street>
						<settlement>Lewisburg</settlement>
						<region>Pennsylvania</region>
						<postCode>17837</postCode>
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					<licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial
						4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence>
					<licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence>
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								Politics</publisher>
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									<name>Heresies</name>
									<postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox>
									<settlement>New York</settlement>
									<region>New York</region>
									<postCode>10013</postCode>
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			<pb cert="high" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_064.jpg" generatedBy="human" xml:space="default" n="62"/>
			<head><title type="main">Notes From the First Year</title></head><head>
				<title type="sub">(for my sisters, a trilogy of revolution)</title></head>
			<byline><persName key="Susan Edith Saxe" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7647784">Susan Saxe</persName></byline><div type="poem" n="I"><head>Patience</head>

<lg>
					<l>There is no need now to rush about my life,</l>
					<l>I have time, each day, to unfold</l>
					<l>carefully, my rage —</l>
					<l>no longer impotent,</l>
					<l>But the most powerful force in the universe.</l>
					<l>(Do you hear me, Mother?)</l>
					<l>Slowly like a sunflower, like a tree,</l>
					<l>Revolution unfolds before me:</l>
					<l>Newspaper pages beginning with world news,</l>
					<l>and ending with the comics,</l>
					<l>and classified ads announcing the end</l>
					<l>of things as we know them.</l>
					<l>Inevitably the world, the nation, the city,</l>
					<l>the arts, society, sports</l>
					<l>and personals</l>
					<l>will be recycled</l>
					<l>By patient origamists, armed with love.</l>
				</lg>
			</div>

<div type="poem" n="II">
				<head>Questionnaire</head>
				<lg>
					<l>There is unfeminine (but oh, so Female)</l>
					<l>sureness in my hands,</l>
					<l>checking "No." to every question</l>
					<l>in the Harris poll, <title key="Reader's Digest" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q371820">Reader's Digest</title>,</l>
					<l><title key="Mademoiselle" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q738294">Mademoiselle</title>,</l>
					<l>I am an outlaw, so none of that applies to me:</l>
					<l>I do not vote in primaries, do not wish to increase</l>
					<l>my spending power, do not take birth control</l>
					<l>pills.</l>
					<l>I do not have a legal residence, cannot tell you</l>
					<l>my given name or how (sometimes very) old</l>
					<l>I really am.</l>
					<l>I do not travel abroad, see no humor in uniforms,</l>
					<l>and my lips are good enough for my lover</l>
					<l>as they are.</l>
					<l>Beyond that, no one heads my household, I would not</l>
					<l>save my marriage if I had one, or anybody else's</l>
					<l>if I could.</l>
					<l>I do not believe that politicians need me, that Jesus</l>
					<l>loves me, or that short men are particularly sexy.</l>
					<l>Nor do l want a penis.</l>
					<l>What else do you have to offer?</l>
				</lg>
			</div>

<div type="poem" n="III">
				<head>I Argue My Case</head>
				<lg>
					<l>Gentlemen of the Jury:</l>
					<l>I have had the time and opportunity to appear</l>
					<l>before you in the guise</l>
					<l>(disguise) of every woman:</l>
					<l>to you, sir, I was the dumb hand</l>
					<l>that wiped your</l>
					<l>table,</l>
					<l>to you, sir, a flimsy black</l>
					<l>skirt on legs,</l>
					<l>to you, some hard</l>
					<l>down-on-me woman who might</l>
					<l>(or might not) yet</l>
					<l>be downed again.</l>
					<l>To him, an ass,</l>
					<l>to him, a breast, a leg</l>
					<l>to him.</l>
					<l>To that one, just another working bitch.</l>
					<l>To each, another history, to each</l>
					<l>another (partial) lie.</l>
					<l>We women are liars, you say.</l>
					<l>(It is written.)</l>
					<l>But you have made us so.</l>
					<l>We are too much caught up in cycles, you say.</l>
					<l>But your gods cannot prevent that.</l>
					<l>So we act out our cycles,</l>
					<l>one or many,</l>
					<l>in the rhythm of what has to be</l>
					<l>(because we say so)</l>
					<l>our common destiny.</l>
					<l>And so, before you are taken in by one of our</l>
					<l>perfect circles,</l>
					<l>remember also that we are in perfect</l>
					<l>motion.</l>
					<l>And when you (and you will)</l>
					<l>run counter to the flow of revolution,</l>
					<l>the wheel of women will continue to turn,</l>
					<l>and grind you</l>
					<l>so fine.</l>
				</lg>
			</div>
		</body>
		<back>
			Susan Saxe wrote this and other poems while she was living underground as a fugitive
				for 4½ years, during which time she was on the F.B.I.'s. <title key="FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1386729">Ten Most Wanted List</title> for
				"overall radical activities." On March 27, 1975, she was arrested in Philadelphia
				and since then has been tried for allegedly taking part in a Boston bank robbery 7
				years ago in which a policeman was killed. Saxe became "a feminist, a lesbian, a
				woman-identified woman" while underground. She is now in prison awaiting
				sentence.
			Reprinted from <title>Talk Among the Womanfolk</title>, Susan Saxe, Philadelphia, Pa., 1976. Susan
				Saxe. 
		</back>

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Dead in Bloody Snow

<head><title><title>Dead in Bloody Snow</title></title></head>
				<byline><persName key="Meridel Le Sueur" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1921674">Meridel LeSueur</persName></byline>
			
 <lg>
 	<l>I am an Indian woman</l>
				<l>Witness to my earth</l>
				<l>Witness for my people.</l>
				<l>I am the nocturnal door,</l>
				<l>The hidden cave of your sorrow,</l>
				<l>Like you hidden deep in furrow</l>
				<l>and dung</l>
				<l>of the charnel mound,</l>
				<l>I heard the craven passing of the</l>
				<l>white soldiers</l>
				<l>And saw them shoot at Wounded Knee</l>
				<l>upon the sleeping village,</l>
				<l>And ran with the guns at my back</l>
				<l>Until we froze in our blood on the snow</l>
 </lg>
				<lg>
					<l>I speak from old portages</l>
				<l>Where they pursued and shot into the river crossing</l>
				<l>All the grandmothers of <persName key="Black Hawk" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q714534" type="real">Black Hawk</persName>.</l>
				<l>I speak from the smoke of grief,</l>
				<l>from the broken stone,</l>
				<l>And cry with the women crying from the marsh</l>
				<l>Trail and tears of drouthed women,</l>
				<l>O bitter barren!</l>
				<l>O barren bitter!</l>
				<l>I run, homeless.</l>
				<l>I arrive</l>
				<l>in the gun sight,</l>
				<l>beside the white square houses</l>
				<l>of abundance.</l>
				<l>My people starve</l>
				<l>In the time of the bitter moon.</l>
				<l>I hear my ghostly people crying</l>
				<l>A hey a hey a hey.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>Rising from our dusty dead the sweet grass,</l>
				<l>The skull marking the place of loss and flight.</l>
				<l>I sing holding my severed head,</l>
				<l>to my dismembered child,</l>
				<l>A people's dream that died in bloody snow.</l>
				</lg>
 </body>
			
 <back>Meridel LeSueur defines herself as "a 76-year-old Midwestern writer," something of an understatement since she
				has published 12 books and innumerable stories, articles
				and poems. "Dead in Bloody Snow" is reprinted from <emph><title key="Rites of Ancient Ripening" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/183693430">Rites of Ancient Ripening</title></emph> (<orgName>Vanilla Press</orgName>, Minneapolis, 1975) in
				which she says, "Slogan for 76: Survival is a form of resistance."
			</back>
 
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The Empress Anastasia in New York

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<head><title>the empress anastasia in new york</title></head>
			<byline><persName key="Jan Clausen" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q23900389">Jan Clausen</persName></byline>

<lg>
				<l><persName key="Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna of Russia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151130">Anastasia</persName> was long rumored</l>
				<l>to be the only member of</l>
				<l>the Russian imperial family</l>
				<l>to escape execution</l>
				<l>by the Bolsheviks.</l><l>1. </l>
			</lg>
			<lg n="1">
				<lg>
					<l>it has begun</l>
					<l>the rain</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>the rain-</l>
					<l>shaped sleep</l>
					<l>of women who nod in doorways</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>dreaming of good times</l>
					<l>bars and indian</l>
					<l>summer</l><l>2. </l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="2">
				<l>in the dream</l>
				<l>picture it is</l>
				<l>august i am</l>
				<l>standing on the grass</l>
				<l>beside blue water</l>
				<l>i am sixteen</l>
				<l>full of zen and</l>
				<l>existentialism</l>
				<l>acid lust wearing</l>
				<l>a two piece</l>
				<l>bathing suit i</l>
				<l>had my body then</l>
				<l>browned, frowning</l>
				<l>bored as havana</l>
				<l>before the revolution</l><l>3. </l>
			</lg>
			<lg n="3">
				<l>in my mother's house there are</l>
				<l>shelves well stocked with</l>
				<l>cans, mixes, paper products.</l>
				<l>dreams of land. dreams</l>
				<l>of flight to the country.</l>
				<l>these white-skinned dreams</l>
				<l>of cities without color,</l>
				<l>catastrophes we do not name,</l>
				<l>these dreams of dreamless sleep,</l>
				<l>remembering nothing.</l><l>4.</l>
			</lg>
			<lg n="4">
				<l>she hid joints of mutton</l>
				<l>beneath her skirt</l>
				<l>her pockets bulged</l>
				<l>pounds of butter</l>

<l>whole hams in her suit-</l>
				<l>case the good bitter</l>
				<l>taste of real coffee</l>
				<l>in her mouth she roamed</l>
				<l>streets freely</l>
				<l>the soldiers never</l>
				<l>caught her the jews</l>
				<l>trooped off to treblinka</l><l>5. </l>
			</lg>

<lg>

<lg>
					<l>in vietnam arthritis</l>
					<l>is common due to</l>
					<l>months years spent crouched</l>
					<l>in damp bomb shelters</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>and i remember my</l>
					<l>mother's soft</l>
					<l>face skin with the</l>
					<l>fallout scare</l>
					<l>shelter with the</l>
					<l>shelves lined with</l>
					<l>canned peaches</l>
					<l>jugs of water</l>
					<l>the nuclear family</l>
					<l>in the atomic age and</l>
					<l>SAC is in the air</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l><rs>the bay of pigs</rs> cuban</l>
					<l>missile crisis got stuck in my childhood</l>
					<l>throat my mother</l>
					<l>moved the iron</l>
					<l>back and forth she</l>
					<l>listened about suez</l>
					<l>on the radio</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>and mother still writes how she</l>
					<l>hopes, keeps her shelves</l>
					<l>stocked, how she helps</l>
					<l>these expatriate vietnamese</l>
					<l>who can't find jobs</l>
					<l>in their adopted country</l><l>6.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="6">
				<lg>
					<l>please give me a little piece</l>
					<l>of meat for</l>
					<l>i cannot eat your bread</l>
					<l>your unhulled rice</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>for i am a princess</l>
					<l>in my own right</l>
					<l>country</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>my grandmother's face</l>
					<l>was famous</l>
					<l>in the nineties</l>
					<l>(and <persName key="Fidel Castro" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q11256">castro</persName> hid</l>
					<l>in the mountains</l>
					<l>the jungles covered</l>
					<l><persName key="Ho Chi Minh" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q36014">ho chi minh</persName></l>
					<l>and <persName key="Mao Zedong" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5816">mao</persName> is whispered</l>
					<l>change from out of the north</l>
					<l>and <persName key="Vladimir Lenin" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1394">lenin</persName> rode east</l>
					<l>in a sealed train</l>
					<l>and iskra means</l>
					<l>a single spark</l>
					<l>can start a prairie fire)</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>and we came</l>
					<l>unto neon</l>
					<l>dollar signed</l>
					<l>miami</l><l>7.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="7">
				<lg>
					<l/><l>the years</l>
					<l>her mother singing</l>
					<l>in her hair</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>you are the rightful</l>
					<l>empress</l>
					<l>anastasia</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>but she wakes in nightmare</l>
					<l>screaming this word</l>
					<l>"pretender"</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>mother</l>
					<l>what really happened</l>
					<l>in that cellar</l><l>8.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="8">
				<lg>
					<l>the streets get colder</l>
					<l>she grows more weary</l>
					<l>of lies, potatoes,</l>
					<l>her mother</l>
					<l>still mourning the <persName key="Nicholas II of Russia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q40787" cert="high" type="real">tsar</persName>.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>her room looks out</l>
					<l>on an airshaft. the carpet</l>
					<l>is worn. the bronx</l>
					<l>is burning. she never saw the neva.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>she pawns the last</l>
					<l>of the icons.</l><l>9.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="9">
				<l>in spring she crosses</l>
				<l>over, joins</l>
				<l>the resistance.</l>
			</lg>

<pb n="61"/>
			<lg n="10">
				<lg>
					<l>10.</l><l>this november</l>
					<l>city is up</l>
					<l>tight. in midtown</l>
					<l>the ibm selectrics</l>
					<l>have been bolted</l>
					<l>to the desks</l>
					<l>of secretaries</l>
					<l>who are afraid, now</l>
					<l>to change jobs.</l>
					<l>the druggists refuse</l>
					<l>to fill medicaid</l>
					<l>prescriptions.</l>
					<l>a man has been shot</l>
					<l>for going</l>
					<l>over the turnstiles.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>we slept overnight</l>
					<l>on long island,</l>
					<l>all the way out.</l>
					<l>i saw each grain</l>
					<l>of sand a different</l>
					<l>color, stuffed shells</l>
					<l>in my coat. i walked</l>
					<l>as before toward rain</l>
					<l>down a beach shining</l>
					<l>white through the storm,</l>
					<l>watched the tide</l>
					<l>turn once.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>locked into the city,</l>
					<l>i plan to quit my job.</l>
					<l>i must get a jacket</l>
					<l>with a working</l>
					<l>zipper, call</l>
					<l>the exterminator,</l>
					<l>have a gate installed</l>
					<l>on the fire escape</l>
					<l>access window.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>

<note>(Thanksgiving, 1975)</note>
		</body>
		<back>
			 Jan Clausen writes poetry, fiction, and critical prose. She is the author of a book
				of poems, <title><emph><title>After Touch</title></emph></title> (Out and Out Books, 1975) and "The Politics of Publishing and the Lesbian Community" (<emph><title key="Sinister Wisdom" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7524444">Sinister Wisdom</title></emph>, no. 2, 1977). With friends, she edits
				<title key="Conditions" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5159294">Conditions</title>, a magazine of women's writing with emphasis on work by lesbians. 
		</back>

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Toward Socialist Feminism

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				<head>
					<title>Toward Socialist Feminism</title></head>
				<byline><persName key="Barbara Ehrenreich"
						ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q283659">Barbara
					Ehrenreich</persName></byline>
			</div>
			<note type="researchNote">Versions of this article have been presented at the Socialst
				Feminist Conference, Yellow Springs, Ohio, July 1975; at Women's Week, Brown
				University, April, 1976; and in WIN (June 3, 1976) as "What is Socialist
				Feminism?"</note>
			<div>
				 At some level, perhaps not too well articulated, socialist feminism has been
					around for a long time. You are a woman in a capitalist society. You get pissed
					off: about the job, about the bills, about your husband (or ex), about the kids'
					school, the housework, being pretty, not being pretty, being looked at, not
					being looked at (and either way, not listened to), etc. If you think about all
					these things and how they fit together and what has to be changed, and then you
					look around for some words to hold all these thoughts together in abbreviated
					form, you'd almost have to come up with something like "socialist feminism." 
				A lot of us came to socialist feminism in just that way: we were reaching for a
					word/term/phrase that would begin to express <emph>all</emph> of our concerns,
					all of our principles in a way that neither "socialist" nor "feminist" seemed
					to. I have to admit that most socialist feminists I know are not too happy with
					the term "socialist feminist" either. On the one hand it is too long (I have no
					hopes for a hyphenated mass movement); on the other hand it is much too short
					for what is, after all, really socialist internationalist anti-racist
					anti-heterosexist feminism.
				The trouble with taking a new label of any kind is that it creates an instant
					aura of sectarianism. "Socialist feminism" becomes a challenge, a mystery, an
					issue in and of itself. We have speakers, conferences, articles on "socialist
					feminism"—though we know perfectly well that either "socialism" or "feminism" is
					too huge and too inclusive to be a subject for any sensible speech, conference,
					or article. People, including avowed socialist feminists, ask themselves
					anxiously, "What <emph>is</emph> socialist feminism?" There is a kind of
					expectation that it is (or is about to be at any moment, maybe in the next
					speech, conference or article) a brilliant synthesis of world historical
					proportions—an evolutionary leap beyond <persName key="Karl Marx"
						ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9061">Marx</persName>, <persName
						key="Sigmund Freud" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9215"
						>Freud</persName> and <persName key="Mary Wollstonecraft"
						ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q101638">Wollstonecraft</persName>. Or
					that it will turn out to be nothing, a fad seized on by a few disgruntled
					feminists and female socialists, a temporary distraction.
				I want to try to cut through some of the mystery which has grown up around
					socialist feminism. Here I am going to focus on our "theory"—the way we look at
					and analyze the world. I am not going to deal with our total outlook as
					socialist feminists because I want to stick as closely as possible to the
					interface of the two main traditions we grow out of—socialism and feminism. 
				 A logical way to start is to look at socialism and feminism separately. How does
					a socialist—more precisely a Marxist—look at the world? How does a feminist look
					at the world? To begin with, Marxism and feminism have something important in
					common: they are <emph>critical</emph> ways of looking at the world. Both rip
					away popular mythology and "common-sense wisdom'' and force us to look at
					experience in a new way. Both seek to understand the world—not in terms of
					static balances and symmetries (as in conventional social science), but in terms
					of <emph>antagonisms</emph>. So they lead to conclusions which are jarring and
					disturbing at the same time that they are liberating. There is no way to have a
					Marxist or a feminist outlook and remain a spectator. To understand the reality
					laid bare by these analyses is to move into action to change it.
				Here I am going to restrict myself to what I see as the core insights of Marxism
					and feminism, and state these as briefly and starkly as possible: Marxism (in 20
					words or less) addresses itself to the class dynamics of capitalist society.
					Every social scientist knows that capitalist societies are characterized by more
					or less severe, systemic inequality. Marxism understands this inequality to
					arise from processes which are <emph>intrinsic</emph> to capitalism as an
					economic system. A minority of people (the capitalist class) own all the
					factories/energy sources/resources on which everyone else depends in order to
					live. The great majority (the working class) must, out of sheer necessity, work,
					under conditions set by the capitalists, for the wages the capitalists pay.
					Since the capitalists make their profits by paying less in wages than the value
					of what the workers actually produce, the relationship between these two classes
					is necessarily one of irreconcilable antagonism: the capitalist class owes its
					very existence to the continued exploitation of the working class. What
					maintains this system of class rule is, in the last analysis, force. The
					capitalist class controls (directly or indirectiy) the means of organized
					violence represented by the state—policemen, jails, etc. Only by waging a
					revolutionary struggle aimed at the seizure of state power can the working class
					free itself, and, ultimately, all people.
				Feminism addresses itself to another familiar inequality. All human societies are
					marked by some degree of inequality between the sexes. If we survey human
					societies at a glance, sweeping through history and across continents, we see
					that they have commonly been characterized<pb
						facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_007.jpg"
					/>by: the subjugation of women to male authority, both within the family and in
					the community in general; the objectification of women as a form of property; a
					sexual division of labor in which women are confined to such activities as
					childraising, performing personal services for adult males and specified
					(usually low-prestige) forms of productive labor. 
				Feminists, struck by the near-universality of these things have looked for
					explanations in the biological "givens" which underlie all human social
					existence: men are physically stronger than women on the average, especially
					compared to pregnant women or women who are nursing babies. Furthermore, men
					have the power to make women pregnant. Thus the forms that sexual inequality
					takes—however various they may be from culture to culture—rest, in the last
					analysis, on what is clearly a physical advantage males hold over females. That
					is to say, they rest on violence, or the threat of violence.
				The ancient, biological roots of male supremacy—the fact of male violence—are
					commonly obscured by the laws and conventions which regulate the relations
					between the sexes in any particular culture. But they are there, according to a
					feminist analysis. The possibility of male assault stands as a constant warning
					to "bad" (rebellious, aggressive) women, and drives "good" women into complicity
					with male supremacy. The reward for being "good" ("pretty," submissive) is
					protection from random male violence and, in some cases, economic security.
				I hope I have written these capsule summaries of Marxism and feminism in such a
					way that some similarities of approach show through. Marxism rips away the myths
					about "democracy" and "pluralism" to reveal a system of class rule that rests on
						<emph>forcible</emph> exploitation. Feminism cuts through myths about
					"instinct" and romantic love to expose male rule as a rule of force. Both
					analyses compel us to look at a fundamental injustice. If either, or both, make
					you uncomfortable, they were meant to! The choice is to reach for the comfort of
					the myths or as Marx put it, to work for a social order which does not require
					myths to sustain it. 
				Having gone to the trouble to provide these thumbnail sketches of Marxism and
					feminism, the obvious thing to do would be just to add them up and call the sum
					"socialist feminism." In fact, this is probably how most socialist feminists
					operate most of the time—as a kind of hybrid, pushing feminism in socialist
					circles, socialism in feminist circles. Practically speaking, I think this is a
					perfectly reasonable way to operate a lot of the time. One trouble with leaving
					things like that, though, is that it keeps people wondering "Well, what is she
						<emph>really</emph>?" or demanding of us "What is the principal
					contradiction?" Such questions often stop us in our tracks: It sounds so
					compelling and authoritative and logical: "Make a choice! Be one or another!"
					Yet we know that there is a political consistency to socialist feminism. We are
					not hybrids or fence-sitters.
				To get to that political consistency we have to go beyond the capsule versions of
					Marxism and feminism I laid out. We have to differentiate ourselves, as
					feminists from other kinds of feminists, and as Marxists from other kinds of
					Marxists. We have to stake out a socialist feminist kind of feminism and a
					socialist feminist kind of socialism. Only then is there a possibility that
					things will "add up" to something more than an uneasy juxtaposition. 
				 First, what is our outlook as feminists and how is it different from that of
					other feminists? I think most radical feminists and socialist feminists would
					agree with my capsule characterization of feminism <emph>as far as it
						goes</emph>. The trouble with radical feminism from a socialist feminist
					point of view, is that it doesn't go any farther: it remains transfixed by the
					universality of male supremacy: things have never really changed; all social
					systems are "patriarchies"; imperialism, militarism and capitalism are all
					simply expressions of innate male aggressiveness. And so on. 
				The problem with this is not only that it leaves out men (and the possibility of
					reconciliation with them on a truly human and egalitarian basis) but that it
					leaves out an awful lot about women. For example, to discount a socialist
					country such as China as a "patriarchy"—as I have heard some radical feminists
					do—is to ignore the real struggles and achievements of millions of women.
					Socialist feminists, while agreeing that there is something timeless and
					universal about women's oppression, have insisted that it takes different forms
					in different settings, and that the <emph>differences</emph> are of vital
					importance. There is a difference between a society in which sexism is expressed
					by female infanticide and a society in which sexism takes the form of unequal
					representation on the Central Committee. And the difference is worth dying for. 
				One of the historical variations on the theme of sexism which ought to concern
					all feminists is the set of changes that came with the transition from an
					agrarian society to industrial capitalism. This is no academic issue. The social
					system which industrial capitalism replaced was in fact a
						<emph>patriarchal</emph> one, and I am using that term now in its original
					sense to mean a system in which production is centered in the household and is
					presided over by the oldest male. The fact is that industrial capitalism came
					along and tore the rug out from under that system: production went into the
					factories; individuals broke off from the family to become "free" wage earners.
					To say that capitalism disrupted the patriarchal organization of production and
					family life is not, of course, to say that capitalism abolished male supremacy!
					But the particular<pb
						facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_008.jpg"
					/>forms of sex oppression we experience today are, to a significant degree,
						<emph>recent</emph> developments. A huge historical discontinuity lies
					between us and true patriarchy. If we are to understand our experience as women
					today, we must move beyond the biological invariants of human experience to a
					consideration of <emph>capitalism</emph> as a system. 
				There are other ways I could have gotten to the same point. I could have said
					simply that as feminists we are most interested in the most oppressed women—poor
					and working-class women, third-world women—and for <emph>that</emph> reason we
					are led to a need to comprehend and confront captialism. I could have said that
					we need to address ourselves to the class system simply because women are
					members of classes. But I am trying to bring out something else about our
					perspective: that there is no way to understand sexism as it acts on our
					lives—never mind class oppression for a minute!—without putting it in the
					historical context of capitalism. 
				Now let's go on to our outlook as Marxists. Again, I think most socialist
					feminists would agree with my capsule summary <emph>as far as it goes</emph>.
					And the trouble again is that there are a lot of people (I'll call them
					"mechanical Marxists") who do not go any further. To these people, the only
					"real" and important things that go on in capitalist society are those that
					relate to the productive process or the conventional political sphere. From such
					a point of view, every other part of experience and social existence—education,
					sexuality, recreation, the family, art, music, housework (you name it)—is
					peripheral to the central dynamics of social change; it is part of the
					"superstructure" or "culture."
				Socialist feminists are in a very different camp. We (along with many Marxists
					who are not feminists) see capitalism as a social and cultural
						<emph>totality</emph>. We understand that, in its search for markets,
					capitalism is driven to penetrate every nook and cranny of social existence.
					Especially in the monopoly capitalism phase, the realm of consumption is every
					bit as important, just from an economic point of view as the realm of
					production. So we cannot understand class struggle as something confined to
					issues of wages and hours, or confined only to workplace issues. Class struggle
					occurs in every arena where the interests of the classes conflict, and that
					includes education, health, the arts, etc. We aim to transform not only the
					ownership of the means of production, but the totality of social existence.
				So, as Marxists, we come to feminism from a completely different place than the
					"mechanical Marxists." Because we see monopoly capitalism as a
					political/economic/cultural totality, we have room within our
						<emph>Marxist</emph> framework for feminist issues which have nothing
					ostensibly to do with production or "politics," issues that have to do with
					"private" life. 
				 Furthermore, in our brand of Marxism, there is no "woman question," no big
					mystery about women—because we never compartmentalized women off to the
					"superstructure“ in the first place. Marxists of a mechanical bent continually
					ponder the issue of the unwaged woman (the housewife): is she really a member of
					the working class? That is, does she really produce surplus value? We say, of
					course housewives are members of the working class—<emph>not</emph> because we
					have some elaborate proof that they really do produce surplus value—but because
					we understand a class as being composed of <emph>people</emph>, and as having a
						<emph>social</emph> existence quite apart from the capitalist-dominated
					realm of production. When we think of class in this way, then we see that in
					fact the women who seemed most peripheral, the housewives, are at the very heart
					of their class—raising children, holding together families, maintaining the
					culture and social networks of the community. 
				 So we are coming out of a kind of feminism and a kind of Marxism whose interests
					quite naturally flow together. I think we are in a position now to see why it is
					that socialist feminism has been such a great mystery. It is a paradox only as
					long as what you mean by socialism is really "mechanical Marxism" and what you
					mean by feminism is an ahistorical kind of radical feminism. These things don’t
					add up; they have nothing in common.
				 But if you put together another kind of socialism and another kind of feminism,
					as I have tried to define them, you do get some common ground. And that is one
					of the most important things about socialist feminism today: that it is a
					space—free from the constrictions of a truncated kind of feminism and a
					truncated version of Marxism—a space in which we can develop the kind of
					politics that address the political/economic/cultural <emph>totality</emph> of
					monopoly capitalist society. We could go only so far with the available
					feminisms, the conventional Marxism, and then we had to break out to something
					that is not so restrictive and so incomplete in its view of the world. We had to
					take a new name, "socialist feminism," in order to assert our determination to
					comprehend the <emph>whole</emph> of our experience and to forge a politics that
					reflects the totality of that comprehension.
				 At that I may have fulfilled my mission of demystifying socialist feminism, but
					I don't want to leave this theory as a "space" or a common ground. Things are
					beginning to grow in that ground. We are closer to a synthesis in our
					understanding of sex and class, capitalism and male domination, than we were a
					few years ago. Here l will indicate very sketchily one such line of thought:
				<list>
					<item>1. The Marxist/feminist understanding that class and sex domination rest
						"ultimately" on force is correct, and this remains the most devastating
						critique of sexist/capitalist society. But there is a lot to that
						"ultimately.'' In a <pb n="7"
							facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_009.jpg"
						/> day-to-day sense, most people acquiesce to sex and class domination
						without being held in line by the threat of violence, and often without even
						the threat of material deprivation. </item>
					<item>2. It is very important, then, to figure out what, if not the direct
						application of force, keeps things going. In the case of class, a great deal
						has been written already about why the American working class lacks militant
						class consciousness. Certainly ethnic divisions especially the Black/white
						division, are a key to the answer. But, I would argue, in addition to being
						divided, the working class has been socially <emph>atomized</emph>:
						working-class neighborhoods have been destroyed and allowed to decay; life
						has become increasingly privatized and inward-looking; skills once possessed
						by the working class have been expropriated by the capitalist class;
						capitalist-controlled "mass culture'' has edged out almost all indigenous
						working class culture and institutions. Instead of collectivity and
						self-reliance as a class there is mutual isolation and collective
							<emph>dependency</emph> on the capitalist class. </item>
					<item>3. The subjugation of women, in ways characteristic of late capitalist
						society, has been a key to this process of class atomization. To put it
						another way: the forces which have atomized working-class life and promoted
						cultural/material dependency on the capitalist class are the
							<emph>same</emph> forces which have served to perpetuate the subjugation
						of women. It is women who are most isolated in what has become an
						increasingly privatized family existence (even when they work outside the
						home too). It is, in many instances, women's skills (productive skills,
						healing, midwifery) which have been discredited or banned to make way for
						commodities. It is, above all, women who are required to be utterly
						passive/uncritical/dependent (i.e. "feminine") in the face of the pervasive
						capitalist penetration of private life. Historically, late capitalist
						penetration of working-class life has singled out women as prime targets of
						pacification (or "feminization") because <emph>women are the culture-bearers
							of their class</emph>. </item>
					<item>4. It follows that there is a fundamental interconnectedness between
						women's struggle and what is traditionally conceived as class struggle. Not
						all women's struggles have an inherently anti-capitalist thrust
						(particularly not those which seek only to advance the power and wealth of
						special groups of women), but all those which build
							<emph>collectivity</emph> and <emph>collective confidence</emph> among
						women are vitally important to the building of class consciousness.
						Conversely, not all class struggles have an inherently anti-sexist thrust
						(especially not those which cling to pre-industrial patriarchal values) but
						all those which seek to build the social and cultural autonomy of the
						working class are necessarily linked to the struggle for women's
						liberation.</item>
				</list>
				This is one direction which socialist feminist analysis is taking. No one is
					expecting a synthesis to emerge which will collapse socialist and feminist
					struggles into the same thing. The capsule summaries I gave earlier retain their
					"ultimate" truth: there are crucial aspects of capitalist domination (such as
					racial oppression) which a purely feminist perspective simply cannot account for
					or deal with—without bizarre distortions, that is. There are crucial aspects of
					sex oppression (such as male violence within the family) into which socialist
					thought has little insight—again without a lot of stretching and distortion.
					Hence the need to continue to be socialists <emph>and</emph> feminists. But
					there is enough of a synthesis, both in what we think and what we do, for us to
					begin to develop a self-confident identity as <emph>socialist feminists</emph>.
				
			</div>
		</body>
		<back>
			Barbara Ehrenreich is the co-author, with <persName key="Deirdre English"
					ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5252562">Deirdre English</persName>, of
					<title>Witches, Midwives and Nurses: A History of Women Healers</title>, and
					<title>Complaints and Disorders: The Sexual Politics of Sickness</title>
				(Feminist Press, New York). She is a member of HealthRight (a New York women's
				health collective), Action for Women in Chile, and New American Movement.
		</back>
	</text>
</TEI>

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