feminist | LEAF

The Empress Anastasia in New York

<head><title>the empress anastasia in new york</title></head>
			<byline><persName key="Jan Clausen" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q23900389">Jan Clausen</persName></byline>

<lg>
				<l><persName key="Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna of Russia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151130">Anastasia</persName> was long rumored</l>
				<l>to be the only member of</l>
				<l>the Russian imperial family</l>
				<l>to escape execution</l>
				<l>by the Bolsheviks.</l><l>1. </l>
			</lg>
			<lg n="1">
				<lg>
					<l>it has begun</l>
					<l>the rain</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>the rain-</l>
					<l>shaped sleep</l>
					<l>of women who nod in doorways</l>
				</lg>

<lg>
					<l>dreaming of good times</l>
					<l>bars and indian</l>
					<l>summer</l><l>2. </l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="2">
				<l>in the dream</l>
				<l>picture it is</l>
				<l>august i am</l>
				<l>standing on the grass</l>
				<l>beside blue water</l>
				<l>i am sixteen</l>
				<l>full of zen and</l>
				<l>existentialism</l>
				<l>acid lust wearing</l>
				<l>a two piece</l>
				<l>bathing suit i</l>
				<l>had my body then</l>
				<l>browned, frowning</l>
				<l>bored as havana</l>
				<l>before the revolution</l><l>3. </l>
			</lg>
			<lg n="3">
				<l>in my mother's house there are</l>
				<l>shelves well stocked with</l>
				<l>cans, mixes, paper products.</l>
				<l>dreams of land. dreams</l>
				<l>of flight to the country.</l>
				<l>these white-skinned dreams</l>
				<l>of cities without color,</l>
				<l>catastrophes we do not name,</l>
				<l>these dreams of dreamless sleep,</l>
				<l>remembering nothing.</l><l>4.</l>
			</lg>
			<lg n="4">
				<l>she hid joints of mutton</l>
				<l>beneath her skirt</l>
				<l>her pockets bulged</l>
				<l>pounds of butter</l>

<l>whole hams in her suit-</l>
				<l>case the good bitter</l>
				<l>taste of real coffee</l>
				<l>in her mouth she roamed</l>
				<l>streets freely</l>
				<l>the soldiers never</l>
				<l>caught her the jews</l>
				<l>trooped off to treblinka</l><l>5. </l>
			</lg>

<lg>

<lg>
					<l>in vietnam arthritis</l>
					<l>is common due to</l>
					<l>months years spent crouched</l>
					<l>in damp bomb shelters</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>and i remember my</l>
					<l>mother's soft</l>
					<l>face skin with the</l>
					<l>fallout scare</l>
					<l>shelter with the</l>
					<l>shelves lined with</l>
					<l>canned peaches</l>
					<l>jugs of water</l>
					<l>the nuclear family</l>
					<l>in the atomic age and</l>
					<l>SAC is in the air</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l><rs>the bay of pigs</rs> cuban</l>
					<l>missile crisis got stuck in my childhood</l>
					<l>throat my mother</l>
					<l>moved the iron</l>
					<l>back and forth she</l>
					<l>listened about suez</l>
					<l>on the radio</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>and mother still writes how she</l>
					<l>hopes, keeps her shelves</l>
					<l>stocked, how she helps</l>
					<l>these expatriate vietnamese</l>
					<l>who can't find jobs</l>
					<l>in their adopted country</l><l>6.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="6">
				<lg>
					<l>please give me a little piece</l>
					<l>of meat for</l>
					<l>i cannot eat your bread</l>
					<l>your unhulled rice</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>for i am a princess</l>
					<l>in my own right</l>
					<l>country</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>my grandmother's face</l>
					<l>was famous</l>
					<l>in the nineties</l>
					<l>(and <persName key="Fidel Castro" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q11256">castro</persName> hid</l>
					<l>in the mountains</l>
					<l>the jungles covered</l>
					<l><persName key="Ho Chi Minh" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q36014">ho chi minh</persName></l>
					<l>and <persName key="Mao Zedong" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5816">mao</persName> is whispered</l>
					<l>change from out of the north</l>
					<l>and <persName key="Vladimir Lenin" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1394">lenin</persName> rode east</l>
					<l>in a sealed train</l>
					<l>and iskra means</l>
					<l>a single spark</l>
					<l>can start a prairie fire)</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>and we came</l>
					<l>unto neon</l>
					<l>dollar signed</l>
					<l>miami</l><l>7.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="7">
				<lg>
					<l/><l>the years</l>
					<l>her mother singing</l>
					<l>in her hair</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>you are the rightful</l>
					<l>empress</l>
					<l>anastasia</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>but she wakes in nightmare</l>
					<l>screaming this word</l>
					<l>"pretender"</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>mother</l>
					<l>what really happened</l>
					<l>in that cellar</l><l>8.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="8">
				<lg>
					<l>the streets get colder</l>
					<l>she grows more weary</l>
					<l>of lies, potatoes,</l>
					<l>her mother</l>
					<l>still mourning the <persName key="Nicholas II of Russia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q40787" cert="high" type="real">tsar</persName>.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>her room looks out</l>
					<l>on an airshaft. the carpet</l>
					<l>is worn. the bronx</l>
					<l>is burning. she never saw the neva.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>she pawns the last</l>
					<l>of the icons.</l><l>9.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>
			<lg n="9">
				<l>in spring she crosses</l>
				<l>over, joins</l>
				<l>the resistance.</l>
			</lg>

<pb n="61"/>
			<lg n="10">
				<lg>
					<l>10.</l><l>this november</l>
					<l>city is up</l>
					<l>tight. in midtown</l>
					<l>the ibm selectrics</l>
					<l>have been bolted</l>
					<l>to the desks</l>
					<l>of secretaries</l>
					<l>who are afraid, now</l>
					<l>to change jobs.</l>
					<l>the druggists refuse</l>
					<l>to fill medicaid</l>
					<l>prescriptions.</l>
					<l>a man has been shot</l>
					<l>for going</l>
					<l>over the turnstiles.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>we slept overnight</l>
					<l>on long island,</l>
					<l>all the way out.</l>
					<l>i saw each grain</l>
					<l>of sand a different</l>
					<l>color, stuffed shells</l>
					<l>in my coat. i walked</l>
					<l>as before toward rain</l>
					<l>down a beach shining</l>
					<l>white through the storm,</l>
					<l>watched the tide</l>
					<l>turn once.</l>
				</lg>
				<lg>
					<l>locked into the city,</l>
					<l>i plan to quit my job.</l>
					<l>i must get a jacket</l>
					<l>with a working</l>
					<l>zipper, call</l>
					<l>the exterminator,</l>
					<l>have a gate installed</l>
					<l>on the fire escape</l>
					<l>access window.</l>
				</lg>
			</lg>

<note>(Thanksgiving, 1975)</note>
		</body>
		<back>
			 Jan Clausen writes poetry, fiction, and critical prose. She is the author of a book
				of poems, <title><emph><title>After Touch</title></emph></title> (Out and Out Books, 1975) and "The Politics of Publishing and the Lesbian Community" (<emph><title key="Sinister Wisdom" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7524444">Sinister Wisdom</title></emph>, no. 2, 1977). With friends, she edits
				<title key="Conditions" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5159294">Conditions</title>, a magazine of women's writing with emphasis on work by lesbians. 
		</back>

</text>
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Political Fabrications: Women's Textiles in 5 Cultures

Political Fabrications

Political Fabrications: Women's Textiles in 5 Cultures

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 <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_031.jpg" n="31" xml:id="img_0031"/>

<head><title>Political Fabrications: Women’s Textiles in 5 Cultures</title></head>
 <byline>
 <persName type="real">Jean Feinberg</persName>,
 <persName>Lenore Goldberg,</persName>
 <persName>Julie Gross,</persName>
 <persName>Bella Lieberman,</persName>
 <persName>Elizabeth Sacre</persName>
 </byline>
 We have been meeting collectively for many months, exploring the political
 dimensions of women’s traditional artmaking. Our focus was on textiles and the women
 who made them from five cultures – <orgName key="Navajo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q108266">Navajo</orgName>, <orgName key="Chilkat" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q12628963">Northwest Coast Chilkat Indian</orgName>, <placeName key="New Zealand" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q664">New
 Zealand</placeName> <orgName key="Māori" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6122670">Maori</orgName>, pre-conquest <placeName key="Peru" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q419">Peruvian,</placeName> and Western European. We wanted to clarify
 relationships between the social/political position of women and the status of their
 textile-making in these societies.

Our notion of collectivity began vaguely and was gradually clarified. We wanted to
 tolerate tensions and individual voices. Even though each of us has contributed
 individually to this effort, what we wrote was the outcome of collective debate. This
 form has had everything to do with our content. Women’s history has been
 characterized by the systematic denial of access to analytic modes of exploring
 situations. We joined a long tradition of women who worked together offering each
 other support and intimacy. What we intensified was a critical and intellectual
 dimension which became, in time, indistinguishable from the emotional dimension.
 The first part of this piece describes our filters—our articulation of the political
 dimensions of art and aesthetics and our reasons for exploring women's traditional
 arts. Our individual explications of women and textiles in five cultures follow. We
 conclude with several theoretical speculations prompted by our research and our
 collective process.
 </div>

<div>
 <head>Toward a definition of the politics of art and aesthetics</head>
 Women’s traditional art has been defined as craft or "low" art. This ascribed status
 of women’s art is political. To understand why women's art has been considered in
 this way is a vital political act.
 Aesthetics, theory-making about art, has been given to us as though it were
 value-free, objective, and not grounded in a particular historical moment. According
 to us, art and art theories are mediated by those groups who dominate the social
 sphere and have greater access to power. In general, when Western theorists have
 reported on traditional societies, their cultural and sexist biases have interfered.
 Thus, in order to understand what traditional art is, we are forced to state what it
 is not. It is not the work of a formative period of culture, not a late or stagnant
 phase of development, not the work of children, naives, or mentally ill people. It is
 not technologically crude or inept. Traditional arts have been considered all of
 these.
 The Western notion of "primitivism" should not be confused with the artistic
 expression of fully developed cultures of the pretechnological world. Within these
 cultures, although women’s art is skillfully made and present in all aspects of life,
 it has largely been ignored by Western theorists. Its artistic qualities have not been
 recognized and its possible meanings have not been explored.
 Through our research, we discovered another bias to be explored. Males within
 traditional cultures have, because of their political and social power, tended to
 define what is valuable in art. By becoming aware of how biases shape the formulation
 of aesthetic theories, we can reveal the political nature of aesthetics.
 </div>

<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_032.jpg" n="32" xml:id="img_0032"/>
 <div>
 <head>Personal sources for our exploration</head>
 
 My interest in women's traditional arts originated in a need to connect personally
 and historically with women who had the desire to enrich utilitarian objects.
 Although relegated to forms of expression bounded by their homes and bodies, women
 engendered works informed by an analytic and intuitive but not a High Art
 sensibility. I wanted to understand why the creative expression of women was
 usually channeled into crafts. Because I felt so connected to these works of art,
 I questioned that designation altogether. In particular, I wanted to look behind
 the ephemeral appearance of lace to see what answers and paradoxes would be
 there. <persName>B.L. <note type="annotation">Bella Lieberman</note></persName> 
 
 Because I am still struggling with the myth of male superiority in art, I was
 instinctively drawn to a women’s art form which embodied a sensual, visual beauty.
 My incentive to investigate these textiles was generated by the barrenness which
 characterizes the dehumanized products of modern technology. I questioned the
 place assigned to these domestic, utilitarian objects by male-politicized
 aesthetics. If I could not find validation, I sought at least more factual
 information regarding their origins and the context in which they were made and
 seen. I came to feel it was necessary to find female antecedents in art and that
 the lack of a woman’s history cuts us off from our own dreams and aspirations.
 Without a knowledge of our own history, whether in this culture or others, we are
 limited in the extent to which we may excel. <persName>J.F.  <note type="annotation">Julie Feinberg</note></persName>
 
 As an artist in this eclectic age, my interest in women's traditional arts is
 filtered through exotic, romantic notions of other cultures. I am interested in
 how cultural frameworks affect art and aesthetics. Primitive artists have been
 described as reflecting the style of their culture rather than having an
 individual style. I wanted to explore that idea with particular reference to
 women. I wondered how women's distance from the power centers of traditional
 cultures related to their styles of artmaking and choices of materials. I
 questioned whether women artists had as their purpose the expression of their
 culture's basic conservatism or if they sought to change it. <persName>L.G. <note type="annotation">Lenore Goldberg</note></persName>
 
 My earliest responses to the traditional art of women were contradictory. I wanted
 to celebrate women who, despite natural and man-made constraints, have been
 creative in the transformation of various media. I also wanted to understand the
 historical forces that have tried to colonize women's fantasies, limiting them in
 their choice of media, iconography, and access to an audience, and how these
 limitations have related to restrictions in other spheres of their lives. A
 historical understanding of women and art is a prerequisite to a meaningful
 encounter with the contemporary culture of women. <persName>E.S. <note type="annotation">Elizabeth Sacre</note></persName>
 
 Studying women's artmaking in traditional societies, I had a sense that certain
 core needs were fulfilled by many kinds of activities, whether or not the product
 of these activities was called art or craft. Both categories seem to embody these
 needs – manual/tactile, conceptual, creative/transformative—in the making as well
 as the experiencing of these objects. "Icing" a canvas or icing a cake, shaping a
 bowl or painting flesh, weaving a blanket or looking to that blanket as
 inspiration, can all be seen as examples of these needs in practice. <persName>J.G. <note type="annotation">Julie Gross</note></persName> 
 
 <div>

<head> Peru</head>
 In <placeName key="Peru" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q419">Peru</placeName> textiles were produced as early as 2500 B.C. They served as the major vehicle
 for abstract social and religious expression until the end of the Inca state in 1532
 A.D. Textile styles developed throughout the successive Peruvian cultures of <orgName key="Paracas culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1127723">Paracas</orgName>,
 <orgName key="Chavín culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q13341477">Chavin</orgName>, <orgName key="Nazca culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q210570">Nazca</orgName>, <orgName key="Tiwanaku" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q61750">Tiahuanaco-Wari</orgName>, <orgName key="Chimú culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q901198">Chimu,</orgName> and <orgName key="Inca civilization" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3404008">Inca</orgName>, and continue today. For almost 5,000
 years, until the Spanish conquest, Peruvian textiles enjoyed an uninterrupted freedom
 from foreign influence. Thus a clear, strong indigenous style evolved.
 Most accounts attribute this activity to women by implicit assumption, not stating it
 as actual fact, which suggests that to formally attribute to women a cultural legacy
 of such artistry and expertise is to go out on a limb and to risk being dismissed as
 biased and unscholarly. One prominent authority, in a classic essay on Peruvian
 textiles, indicates the weaver's sex only once by using the pronoun "she" to clarify
 a sentence at the end of the article’s seventeen pages. However, reports and
 excavated artifacts exist

which confirm that Peruvian spinning and weaving was predominantly a woman's art.
 Spindles, pottery, and cloth dolls portraying women weavers (sometimes with a male
 overseer) have been found at gravesites. Early Spanish chronicles and contemporary
 accounts also describe women’s prevalent role as weavers.
 The sandy soil and dry climate of coastal Peru have preserved ancient textiles well.
 Despite extremely simple technology, the level of manufacture was very high, with
 variations impossible to duplicate today on machine-powered looms. Peruvian spinners
 could produce yarn of great fineness and consistency, measuring 1/250th of an inch in
 diameter, thus enabling the weaver to produce a textile as tightly woven as 250
 threads per inch. These women dealt with more than a simple grid structure. Technical
 ingenuity was shown in the variety of twined, embroidered, and knitted threads
 creating rich surfaces and detailed motifs. Patterning began about 1800 B.C. with the
 techniques of brocade, tapestry, double-cloth, and pattern weave being invented and
 often brilliantly combined. Subtle and varied color combinations from vegetable and
 mineral dyes existed from Paracas times onward.
 Early cotton fabrics made by weft-twining were replaced when a loom with heddles was
 introduced which expanded an annual production to tens of thousands of square meters
 of textile and implemented the use of llama, alpaca, and vicuna wool. Despite their
 basic rectilinear shape, weavings were put to use as varied as ponchos, mantles,
 wall hangings, and mummy wrappings. As much as 200 pounds of textiles, depending on
 the person’s wealth, were accumulated for burials. In life as well as in death,
 possession of fine textiles symbolized status. Sex, age, marital status, and
 occupation were also signified by wearing textiles of a certain color, size, material, or motif.
 Accounts after the Incan empire was conquered chronicled textiles' social
 significance. A wife's desirability was measured by the quality of her weaving. Wives
 of one household would compete as to who embroidered the best blanket. At Incan
 weddings husbands gave brides a fine cloth to indicate their joint control of the new
 household. Incan initiations required four clothing changes, to be woven in a single
 day by the initiate's mother and sisters.
 A textile's sacred quality was heightened by the compression and "density" of energy
 in the garments being transferred to the wearer. Incan shrines of venerated female
 ancestors included their spindles, handfuls of cotton, and unfinished webs of tapestry
 as offerings or for keeping fingers busy in the next world. These tools were
 protected in case of an eclipse, when it was thought a comet would destroy the moon,
 a female symbol. The spindles would then be in danger of turning into snakes, the
 looms into bears and jaguars.
 Throughout Peru's history, the distinguished quality of tapestry tunics, mantles, and
 diaphanous gauzes made part-time weaving unlikely for those engaged in multiple
 household duties. This indicates the existence of a class of specialist spinners,
 dyers, and weavers. All peasants under the Incan empire were required to work and
 weave for state needs during two-thirds of the year. At first, both men and women spun
 and wove to satisfy their obligation to the state. Houses were organized for
 specialized guilds called the <lang>aklla</lang>, weaving or "chosen" women. Aged or infirm men,
 exempted from mitta, labor services, made ropes, slings, nets, or sacks.
 Under Spanish colonialism, any artisan manufacture competing with goods of the mother
 country was initially suppressed. The Spanish introduced a new weaving technology.
 Today men still use medieval Spanish looms, while Andean women hand spin and weave on
 indigenous looms and follow original patterns, although their weavings lack the
 earlier intricacy and subtlety. Factory-produced textiles are also manufactured. A
 strong textile workers' federation in the 1940s defended the rights of women, despite
 the fact that female suffrage was not legal until 1955. This union caused Peru to be
 the only country with a large textile industry to legally prohibit sex discrimination
 in wages. The history of Peru documents a long tradition of superlative textile art
 made by women. These works emerged as the product of traditional cultural values.
 Peruvian weavers were ingenious and dexterous; they utilized natural materials
 sensitively in what now seems a simpler and temporally slower reality. Within a
 society with rigidly defined sex roles, women lacked many options. Weaving
 paradoxically served to focus their vision and allowed their inner resources to be
 realized. Complexity and beauty glow in the work, which resists grandiosity as false
 and alien. These works, in which women wrapped and shaped the history of Peru, are
 true to themselves.
 <byline>J.G.</byline>
 </div>

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 <div>
 <head>New Zealand Maori</head>
 <note type="researchNote">14th to the 19th century.</note>In the beginning, Rangi-nui (sky father) and Papa-tua-nuku (earth mother) embraced.
 Their love produced 70 supernatural beings who, embodied in natural phenomena, were
 everyday deities. Tane, the oldest child, convinced his brothers and sisters to force
 their parents apart so that the earth could have light. In this way he became the god
 of light and took the form of the sun. Tane wanted to create a race of mortals for
 the earth, and he began a wide search for <lang>uha</lang>, the female element. In his wandering,
 he reached the twelfth heaven where he sought the aid of Io, supreme god. Io's
 attendants sent him to Kurawaka, the public region of his mother Papa. There he
 created a woman from mud and earth, breathing on the inanimate figure until she came
 to life.
 Such myths simultaneously reflected and created the status and treatment of women in
 <placeName key="New Zealand" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q664">New Zealand</placeName> <orgName key="Māori" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6122670">Maori society</orgName>. Man was considered the sacred provider of life-giving
 elements while woman was regarded as his profane, passive receptacle; men were
 associated with life and strength, women with death and destruction. Female
 reproductive organs were called the "house of misfortune and disaster." Distinctions
 between men and women colored every aspect of life in Maori society: the right side
 of the body was male and vital, the left female and degraded. These designations had
 tactical implications in battle and were used to explain good and bad fortune. Women
 were excluded from access to esoteric knowledge and ceremonial rituals because they
 were not tapu (sacred). Only highborn men could become <lang>tohunga</lang> (priests) and only
 <lang>tohunga</lang> knew Io. Women knew only Io's familiar manifestations. Nevertheless, women
 had their own rituals: they greeted the reappearance of certain
 constellations—Pleiades (Maori new year) and Canopus (first frost)—with song and
 dance. The moon, regarded by women as their true husband, was similarly welcomed.
 A distinct sexual division of labor began after birth when children were dedicated to
 masculine and feminine roles. When the sacredness of an activity might be destroyed
 by the presence of women, these tasks were done by men. When the sacredness of men
 might be degraded by doing certain tasks, these were done by women. In practice, this
 meant that men's tasks were physically dangerous and seen as challenging: hunting,
 open-sea fishing, tattooing, and carving wood and greenstone. Women's tasks followed
 the rhythm of domesticity: collecting food, water, and firewood, cultivating and
 preparing flax, weaving, and offering hospitality through singing and dancing.
 Women's decorative impulse found form in the <lang>taniko</lang> designed borders of the cloaks
 they wove. Weaving was the last stage in a complicated, arduous, even painful process
 which began with the cultivation of flax and continued through the scraping,
 plaiting, pounding, and rolling of flax fibers into twine. Girl children learned early
 that they were destined to become weavers. As babies, their first thumb joint was
 bent outwards in anticipation of certain tasks. As children, they played to the
 accompaniment of ditties like: "The woman with nimble hands and feet, marry her; The
 woman who chatters, cast her out" and "Who will marry a woman too lazy to weave
 garments?"
 By the age of nine or ten, girls began complex and ritualized training. They were
 made <lang>tapu</lang> through a ritual, sitting inactive while a male
 instructor recited a charm. They were then instructed to bite into the upper part of
 the right weaving stick which was <lang>tapu</lang> (masculine). Until their first sampler was
 finished, they were not allowed to communicate with anyone other than the priest or
 instructor. Eating sow thistle removed the <lang>tapu</lang>.
 Flax was woven on primitive looms consisting of two sticks in the ground. Taniko
 elements included triangles, chevrons, diamonds, and hourglass shapes; the predominant
 colors were red, black, white, and yellow. Feathers were used decoratively in the
 weaving of garments, kiwi feathers being highly valued, parrot feathers adding bright
 color. Since they were inserted as the garment was woven, the overall pattern had to
 be kept in mind. Sometimes, hard strips of flax were curled into tubular forms and
 hung from a band. This produced a rattling sound during dancing, serving as the
 unique percussive instrument in Maori culture.
 Carving was forbidden to women; weaving was open to men. Women used only the <lang>taniko </lang>patterns in their decoration. Men used the <lang>taniko</lang> patterns in carving a single
 wallboard (<lang>heke tipi</lang>) high above the house porch, but typical male iconography
 directly represented feared or revered aspects of their environment: stylized human
 figures, mythic long-tongued sea monsters, lizards and ancestors. Even the more
 abstract male patterns were related to such elements in their surroundings as sea
 waves, hammerhead sharks, ferns and sand flounder.

<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_035.jpg" n="35" xml:id="img_0035"/>
 Both male and female designs were subject to strict rules; although there were
 accepted evaluative criteria such as symmetry, rhythm and dramatic use of color,
 designs were not copied and within formal constraints, originality was expected.
 Although choices of material and iconography were socially defined for both sexes,
 men enjoyed more latitude. If art is that which approximates the autonomous, then
 there was a curious freedom in the restricted iconography of women, since the
 abstract elements of <lang>taniko</lang> were not reality dictated. But men could use <lang>taniko</lang> too.
 Since they also had access to schools of weaving, even if they rarely exercised the
 option, role flexibility was greater for them. Men's political and religious power
 enabled them to structure language and assign values in Maori society. The actual
 reciprocity on which the society was based was not acknowledged. Maori mythology
 reinforced the ideology of male superiority which devalued the tasks and art produced
 by women.
 <byline>E.S.</byline>
 </div>

<div>
 <head>The Chilkat</head>
 North of Oregon, south of Alaska, is a coastal area abundant with game, fish and
 vegetation. Here in the late 18th and 19th centuries lived a subgroup of the <orgName key="Tlingit" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q536129">Tlingit</orgName>
 tribe—the <orgName key="Chilkat" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q12628963">Chilkats</orgName>. Their neighbors were the <orgName key="Tsimshian" ref="http://dbpedia.org/resource/Tsimshian">Tshimshian</orgName>, <orgName key="Kwakwaka'wakw" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1137355">Kwakiutl</orgName> and <orgName key="Haida people" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q210332">Haida</orgName>, with
 whom they traded, fought, and intermarried.
 Basic survival needs could be met with relative ease among the Chilkats because of
 the lush environment. The Chilkat society was a chiefdom, based economically on the
 redistribution of goods within a network of family groups linked through matrilineal
 descent. Resources were owned communally, while special highly decorated objects were
 accumulated to give prestige to heads of the individual clans. Among these objects
 was a type of shawl or robe, popularly referred to as a "blanket."
 The story is told that a Chilkat bride of a Tshimshian chief learned the art of
 making cedarbark dance aprons and leggings. When she died, a dance apron was sent
 home to her relatives, who unraveled it in order to understand how it was made. They
 began then to make blankets in the same fashion, although eventually they became far
 better-known as weavers than the Tshimshian.
 Blankets were woven with yarn spun from mountain goat wool with a core of yellow
 cedarbark twine. Men hunted the goats and made the half-loom; women spun and dyed
 the yarn black, blue, yellow, and white from hemlock, copper, and vegetable dyes. In
 all instances, women were the weavers. They set up the loom and tied off the warp
 bundles to form a shallow curve along the lower edge of the blanket. While in certain
 cases they copied patterns painted on boards by men, in others they designed their
 own weaving patterns. There were two distinct styles of Chilkat blankets. The first
 was abstract with chevrons, stripes, enclosing borders, and squares. This was the
 women’s style. The second, the men's style, was representational using signs or
 symbols for man, animals, and water life.
 The abstract and representational styles shared many characteristics. In addition to
 the unique curved shape of the lower edge, the visual field in both is highly active
 and extremely dense, although the mode of expression looks dissimilar.
 The male-style blankets reflected men's foraging activities through bilateral
 symmetry and x-ray and transparent portrayals of animal motifs. The blanket,
 organized by a central panel and two flanking sides, was itself like a flayed animal
 skin. Because of the Chilkat's desire for design density, the overlay of motifs
 sometimes made interpretation of the blankets difficult, if not impossible. The
 animal characteristics portrayed were often determined by a dream that the male
 artist or the patron had. As designers of the representational blankets, men brought
 their dreamlife into the waking world as a record of their encounters with the
 supernatural. We have no such record of the women's dreams.
 Women were prohibited from creating designs involving life forms, so that while
 simultaneously producing men's blankets, women wove their own using a purely abstract
 design system. Variation of visual elements, contrast of yarn color, and variety of
 texture created blankets with strong graphic and sensual impact. The geometric
 patterns with alternating areas of linear density created a rhythmic variation which
 broke the uniformity of the field. Design in the women's style was even denser than
 in the men's. By filling the space from edge to edge, the weavers virtually
 eliminated any illusion of shallow planar recession. Instead, they created an
 advancing plane by the addition of wool and bark fringes protruding from the body of
 the robes which emphasized the flatness and frontality of the surface conception.
 Instead of the dreamlike meditations implied in the men's blankets, the female style
 was at once more accessible and more reserved: accessible through the emphasis on the
 physicality of the textile, reserved because of the impenetrability <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_036.jpg" n="36" xml:id="img_0036"/> of the design. Because of the limited number of design
 elements, the variation of combinations gave richness to the weavings. Just as the
 women were not at the center of the power hierarchy of the Chilkat clans, their art
 did not rely on signs central to the culture. The limited motifs available to women
 were indicative of the women’s position in relation to the status quo, the fabric out
 of which the blankets were created.
 Both men's and women's blankets were highly valued and were used in a variety of
 ceremonies. Given as dowry, along with songs, dances and titles, they were commonly
 made for the potlatch. Potlatch was integral to Chilkat life. These were competitive
 ceremonies involving the distribution and destruction of wealth. Blankets were often
 cut up and handed round or burned in vast quantities of salmon oil. Guests sometimes
 collected pieces of blankets they received as gifts and later reassembled them into
 new blankets, shirts, or dance aprons. In this way, they created collage motifs and
 symbols. The recipient was obliged to pay back the gift, preferably with interest.
 Blankets therefore were a currency of obligation. The Chilkats based their
 interpersonal relations on desire for power and control, intense competition coupled
 with a philosophy of conspicuous consumption. The many social ceremonies in which the
 Chilkats demonstrated these characteristics created an unending demand for
 prestigious art objects, like the blankets. At some point in their history, the
 Chilkats began to support professional artists to meet these needs. Partly as a
 result of the desire to consume or destroy costly items, the Chilkats valued objects
 that were very difficult to produce. The intricacy of the men's style blanket
 patterns made them more highly valued than the women's style; these considerations
 were central to the Chilkat ideas of aesthetic appreciation.
 Men's concerns were at the center of their society's power structure – represented in
 blankets by hunting and mythological motifs. However, even though the women's style
 did not demonstrate the same access to the culture's core concerns, their blankets
 were highly regarded. The competitive give-aways which commissioned the
 prestige-laden blankets of both styles raised the weavers' status. As European
 contact increased, European standards infiltrated the Chilkat community and affected
 the production of female-style blankets. The increased demand for representational
 blankets, sought after for their unique yet recognizable images, limited the time the
 weavers had to produce their own type of textile. It is partly as a result of this
 influence that the female-style Chilkat blankets have received so little
 attention.
 <byline>L.G.</byline>
 </div>
 <div>
 <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_037.jpg" n="37" xml:id="img_0037"/>
 <head>The Navajo</head>
 <q>Spider Woman instructed the Navajo women how to weave on a loom. The warp was of
 spider web. There were crosspoles of sky and earth cords, warp sticks of sun rays,
 and healds of rock crystal and sheet lightning. The batten was sun halo, and white
 shell made the comb. The four spindles were of flash lightning with a whorl of
 turquoise, lightning with a whorl of abalone, a rain streamer with a whorl of white
 shell and zigzag lightning with a whorl of coal. <bibl>—A Navajo Legend</bibl></q>
 The <orgName key="Navajo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q108266">Navajos</orgName> explained the origins of weaving through the myth of Spider Woman. As an
 art form weaving reflected a changing Navajo culture and therefore serves as a
 valuable and permanent record. Through their vigorous design and color, and the
 technical skill involved, Navajo blankets expressed women’s vision and artistry.
 Blankets were woven for many needs but were essentially used for clothing and
 warmth. Their other uses were as bedding, saddle blankets, and floor coverings for
 sitting. They were also used as doorways to Navajo homes, called <lang>hogans</lang>. The blankets
 were secular, not ceremonial, textiles through which the women expressed a strong
 personal connection to the people using them. Blankets represented, and perhaps
 symbolized through their design, the life of the wearer. When worn, the blanket's
 linear design emphasized the verticality of a standing person. The wearing of
 blankets enlivened the environment, not only visually, but also through the symbolic
 meanings of color. To the Navajo red meant Blessed Sunshine, white the East or
 Morning Light, blue the South which was cloudless, yellow the West or the Sunset, and
 black the North where dark clouds originated. Combinations evoked naturalistic
 images. For example, black vertical lines might represent rain, and on a yellow
 background, the rain in the evening sky. Women followed certain traditional forms,
 but each weaver made her own interpretation and wove the blanket herself.
 Individuality of the blankets was highly regarded; each weaver's ideas and feelings
 could be expressed in unique designs which were never repeated.
 In Navajo society, women historically have been greatly respected and thought the
 equal of men. Deep religiosity and mythology permeated daily life, explaining natural
 phenomena and daily tasks, and creating their history. Woman was deified in Navajo
 mythology as Changing Woman, a central figure who designed the <lang>hogans</lang>. By hanging her
 blankets as a doorway and designating their colors as those of "Dawn, Sky Blue,
 Evening Twilight, and Darkness," women connected the domestic, natural, and religious
 spheres, a synthesis typical of Navajo life structure. Women headed the separate
 family units and managed their economic affairs. In this matrilineal society, women’s
 participation in rituals and in political activities was considered essential. Their
 chores included cooking, sewing, caring for the house and children, gathering wood,
 hauling water, butchering livestock, and herding the sheep from which they prepared
 the wool for their weaving. This preparation included shearing the wool and <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_038.jpg" n="38" xml:id="img_0038"/> carding, spinning and dyeing it. Frequently women built
 their own looms, which were set up outside in summer and inside the <lang>hogan</lang> in winter.
 Looms were made of logs placed vertically and could be dismantled for transport from
 summer to winter grazing grounds. The women designed and wove their blankets, without
 prior drawings, as their time and chores allowed. The earliest-known examples of the
 Navajo blanket date from <date when="1805">1805</date>. However, the first Navajos who migrated to the
 Southwest United States in 1000 A.D. probably used tree and bark fibers. It was not
 until the fifteenth century when Spanish livestock was brought to the neighboring
 Pueblo Indians, that Navajo weaving changed significantly. Through trade and raids, the Navajo got sheep which provided the women with softer threads and the varying
 colors of natural fleece. Exposure to the weaving techniques of the Pueblos in the
 late seventeenth century influenced Navajo weavers to experiment with new techniques
 and develop a style of alternating bands of natural wool colors.
 As dyes and yarns were obtained through trade, new colors began to be used. One of
 the earliest colors was a red whose source was the unraveled, respun, and rewoven
 threads of an English fabric called "bayeta," imported by the Spaniards and traded to
 the Pueblos. Because of their complexity and technical skill, these "bayeta" blankets
 were renowned among the Spanish and other tribes. To own a Navajo blanket was
 considered a sign of honor.
 Stylistic changes also occurred after contact with North American culture. In the
 1860s the Navajos fought with and finally surrendered to <persName key="Kit Carson" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q379673">Kit Carson</persName> at <placeName key="Fort Sumner" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1514927">Fort Sumner</placeName>,
 where they were imprisoned for four years. Although conditions there were not good,
 the Navajos assimilated many new influences. One of the dominant and most startling
 styles to come out of this period was the "Eye-Dazzler," so called for its interplay
 of expressive pattern and vivid color. This style, as well as others, showed the
 weaver’s mastery in its finely spun wool, even and tightly woven texture, boldness
 and energy of design, and subtlety in its skillful handling and control. In relation
 to this highly developed artistic decísion-making <persName key="Gladys Reichard" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q15998733">Gladys Reichard</persName>, in <title level="m">Weaving a Navajo Blanket</title>, speaks of the weaver Atlnaba who "spends hours experimenting with the
 colors at her command... She may discard a dozen greens and yellows before she
 accepts one.
 Men and women in Navajo society used different aesthetic systems to filter and
 express their perceptions. Men’s art, unlike the women's, was religious. Sand
 paintings, whose powers were guarded in secret and destroyed after the ritual, used
 figurative imagery to summon the spirits and gain vicarious control over nature.
 Women’s art, however, was visible in everyday use. Women employed a nonfigurative and
 abstract imagery, powerfully reflecting the desert landscape in which the Navajo
 lived, a landscape of horizontality, expansiveness, drama, and vivid color. The
 strength of their aesthetic language and the power of its expressiveness reveal the
 great pride Navajo women felt in their social and economic importance and the value
 of their activities.
 <byline>J.F.</byline>
 </div>
 <div>
 <head>Lacemakers of Western Europe</head>
 Wearing and making lace was important in Europe from the sixteenth through the
 nineteenth centuries. Lace appears to us today as a delicate and innocent fabric. The
 world in which it existed was far from innocent, and despite its appearance, lace and
 its history illustrate this. Like other luxuries, most lace could be had only by the
 wealthy. The women who made it rarely benefited from it. While their products were
 coveted, they worked under poor and sometimes hazardous conditions. As symbols of
 status, laces left the humble homes of lacemakers to enter a world removed from their
 lives.

The two most highly prized laces were "needlepoint," which depended entirely on the
 buttonhole stitch, and "bobbin," in which thread was woven, twisted, and braided around
 bobbins. These laces were made by women of all classes. Wealthier women made it for
 recreation and because it befitted their roles as "cultivated ladies." Poorer women
 made it to sell. Lace made for personal use contained any design of the woman’s
 imagination and cultural heritage. Motifs included fantastical animals, birds, human
 figures or religious scenes or symbols. Designs for commerce were more limited. They
 were usually created by male patternmakers according to prevailing fashion, although
 commercial lacemakers' own interpretations were also highly valued. Each country and
 region had indigenous designs, but if lacemakers moved to new areas, they took their
 patterns and drawings with them. Many towns were financially dependent on this female
 industry despite the low wages paid.
 The process of making lace was painstaking and required close scrutiny. The thread
 was so fine that complicated means were necessary to magnify it. Many lacemakers went
 blind by the time they were thirty. Every effort was made to keep the lace clean and
 delicate, mostly at the expense of the lacemaker's health. Often thread spinning and
 lacemaking were done in damp cellars to prevent the thread from becoming brittle and
 breaking. In winter lacemakers worked in lofts above cowsheds for warmth so that the
 lace was kept away from smokey fireplaces. Its production was time-consuming; a woman
 could spend a whole year on a single piece of Valenciennes. In <date when="1855">1855</date> <persName key="Napoleon III" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7721">Napoleon III</persName>
 ordered a dress for <persName key="Eugènie de Montijo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q157130">Princess Eugenie</persName> which took 36 women 18 months to complete. Even
 when not involved in such ambitious projects, women might spend 12 to 15 hours each
 day making lace.
 Lace was produced in whole pieces or in parts depending on the design. Making
 separate parts entailed a division of labor determined by specialization and skill.
 Some women were better at making the ground net, others at filling in the flowers,
 etc. The most skilled worker assembled the entire piece.
 To sell their work, lacemakers were immersed in a cumbersome commercial process,
 called the "facteur" or middleman system. A commercial house (manufacturer) was
 represented by a facteur who, acting as its agent, supplied lacemakers with patterns
 and raw materials on credit. Finished pieces were then sold to the facteur who in
 turn resold them to the manufacturer. There was little or no contact between
 lacemakers and manufacturers. Facteurs were usually women—former lacemakers who could
 supervise other lacemakers and who were counted on to drive a hard bargain for the
 manufacturer. Since lacemakers were totally dependent on facteurs for their work and
 raw material, they were unable to bargain for better pay or working conditions. Their
 only other option was to become facteurs. The contradiction of this system is that
 through personal advancement the women who became facteurs helped to perpetuate the
 exploitation of their former peers.
 For aristocratic women instruction in lacemaking prepared them for futures as "noble
 ladies." Poor girls were taught at home, in convents, or in charitable institutions.
 Convents established apprenticeships where girls began their training at five and by
 ten were able to earn their keep. They were taught lacemaking not to master an art
 but to make a living. Women of both classes were denied the opportunity to direct
 their own lives. The notion that women were suited to <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_039.jpg" n="39" xml:id="img_0039"/> work which required patience and perseverance directly
 resulted from the constraints imposed upon them by society.
 Ironically most lacemakers did not benefit from the beauty and romance of lace. In
 addition, their products became symbols in a world in which they did not participate.
 Lace was highly valued by the rich because it represented their position in society.
 Men boasted about how much land their lace was worth; they appeared in ballrooms
 wearing as much of it as they could. Women wore it as a reflection of their husbands' or fathers' wealth. Lace became a nationalistic emblem. Countries were highly
 competitive in its display and production. Monarchs decreed that only their favorite
 native laces could appear in court. Edicts were proclaimed banning the use of foreign
 laces to protect home industries and black markets involving smuggling and kidnapping
 developed to undermine these laws. When lace designs were traded, they were secretly
 guarded. When Belgium tried to prevent the theft of lace imported from France, these
 designs were so cut up when distributed to lacemakers that their entirety was unknown
 to any individual woman. It was feared that a lacemaker would attempt to smuggle or
 to sell the design.
 Lace made by women for personal use was often kept by their families which also
 preserved the memory of the lacemakers. Lace made to sell was and is perceived as
 anonymous. Although most lacemakers remain unknown to us, their art is silent witness
 to the arduous and creative work which was their tradition.
 <byline>B.L.</byline>
 </div>

<div>
 <head>Speculations</head>
 Because art, its creation, and the theories surrounding it are political, we have
 placed the textile art made by women in traditional societies into a cultural
 context, instead of simply considering the artifacts. We have explored aspects of
 women's art in each of five cultures, relating them to women's broader social
 identities. Our assumption that art dialectically reflects and contributes to the
 creation of society was basic to our study and revealed in our research.
 Peruvian textiles were viewed as sacred; as such, women making them performed this
 task as a ceremonial act of creation. Textiles reflected status within Peruvian
 culture, making the weavers responsible for visibly defining differences of rank.
 In Maori society, women were considered nonsacred and socially inferior. Activities
 like wood and greenstone carving were forbidden to them. It was possible for men, on
 the other hand, to weave and use women’s designs, although they usually undertook
 women's tasks only as instructors in weaving schools where they initiated girls into
 the ritual, technique, and aesthetics of weaving.
 In Chilkat society, rank and privilege were inherited matrilineally, but women did
 not really own the titles passed down to them by birthright. Instead, titles were
 given by women's fathers to their husbands at the time of marriage The distinctions
 of female/male status can also be seen in relation to blanket making. While men
 designed the representational blankets, women executed their designs. Despite a
 certain lack of legitimate power, women exerted covert power as weavers by inserting
 disruptive motifs into the spaces on and between male mythological designs. More
 importantly, women designed and wove blankets which were also highly valued by their
 culture, although not representational in style.
 Women in Navajo society were well respected. Their responsibilities and powers were
 equal to those of men. Though it was possible for women to participate in the making
 of religious art, they rarely did so, preferring to maintain the female tradition of
 weaving. Their weaving used strong abstract imagery. Their textiles were highly
 valued both inside and outside the tribe.
 Class differences in Western Europe affected the production of lace. Wealthy women
 made it as part of their required repertoire of ladylike leisure accomplishments.
 Poor women made it for a living. Paradoxically, this afforded them a certain autonomy
 that richer women did not achieve, but this autonomy did not extend to conceptual
 control over commercial lace design. Because our research has focused on particular
 aspects of five cultures, we are not making universal claims. Rather we have explored
 alternative ways of looking at and trying to understand women and their products.
 These have included:
 <list>
 <item>• working collectively in our research, discussions, and writing;</item>
 <item>• questioning our information sources, particularly in terms of their andro- and
 ethnocentrism;</item>
 <item>• articulating our own filters, consistent with our contention that objectivity
 in research or interpretation is neither possible nor even desirable.</item>
 </list>
 We came to our project curious, confused, angry that even within the already
 denigrated category of "traditional art," women's objects had often been overlooked or
 misrepresented. We were ready to be sympathetic to the women whose objects had
 attracted us to this research in the first place.
 But we wanted to avoid merely replacing one set of distorting biases for another. We
 wanted to understand our curiosity, clarify our confusion, find the sources of our
 anger without anachronistically using contemporary Western notions like oppression of
 women to explain sex hierarchies. We were wary of our sympathy for the objects and
 their makers and did not wish to impose a simple translation of Western definitions
 of art onto societies where art had a very different meaning. All the speculations
 that follow should be read in the context of these qualifications.
 There is a contradictory freedom in the abstract style of women's art in some of
 these cultures (Maori, Chilkat, Navajo). Women's iconography did not directly
 function in the service of male religion and therefore was not subservient to male
 mythology. The "abstractness" of women's art has to be questioned. Men, investigating
 New Zealand Maori male design, have taken great pains to discover that, though
 abstract, this iconography is an exaggerated stylization of natural objects in the
 Maori environment. Yet the literature <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_040.jpg" n="40" xml:id="img_0040"/> on women's styles denies that their abstractions also
 have meaning. Chilkat men designed their dreams into the blankets woven by their
 women. Because their symbols have been interpreted more than the designs of the women
 does not negate the possibility that female abstractions have symbolic meaning too.
 That the making of Navajo blankets was embedded in the myth of Spider Woman and that
 their colors and designs call to mind so evocatively the atmosphere of the Navajo
 environment suggest the possibility of a latent symbolism.
 Even the claim that men have often tended to be the designers and women the makers
 (of Chilkat blankets, of lace) cannot be accepted at face value. In the Chilkat
 society, women challenged the constraints imposed by male designers by inserting their
 own motifs. By the time lacemaking had become an industry men were the acknowledged
 designers, although the industry drew on the long tradition of cottage lacemaking.
 Women had been sovereign over the whole process, and undoubtedly many designs had
 their origins in what women had been creating for centuries.
 Though our focus has been on the female/male contradiction, other forms of
 stratification existed in Peruvian, Maori, Chilkat, and European society. Status
 distinctions separated women from each other as well as women from men. Lace was made
 in the context of early capitalism in which old feudal distinctions between the high
 and low-born were giving way to class structures. As lace was produced for commerce,
 the opportunity for some poor women to become facteurs developed. This created
 additional inequalities in income and status between lacemakers. In Maori society the
 advantages of being a <lang>puhi</lang> or woman aristocrat (more elaborate clothing,
 ornamentation, responsibilities for organizing entertainment) were tempered by
 restrictions, particularly on her sexual freedom, her choice of husband and lovers.
 The Chilkat social structure was stratified into chiefs, commoners, and slaves; women
 occupied all three ranks. As has been discussed, though rank was matrilineally
 inherited, the women who owned titles tended, in turn, to be the property of men. The
 Navajo society, where women enjoyed equality with men and there was mutual respect
 between the sexes, was not hierarchical. Apparently, the more stratified a society is
 and the more its production depends on the existence of castes and classes, the more
 likely it is that women in general, and women in less prestigious groups in
 particular, will be designated inferior in practice, ideology, and myth.
 What strikes us is that despite the potential of traditional social structures to
 muffle and distort the artistic expression of women, the effect on women’s artmaking
 was contradictory. Conceptualization was separated from execution of design in Chilkat
 and Peruvian societies and, most extremely. among employed lacemakers in Western
 Europe. The range of media and motifs available to women was restricted in Maori and
 Chilkat societies, and women's art was designated as nonreligious in societies such
 as the Navajo and Maori where religion was valued. Despite these limitations, women's
 textiles asserted themselves as beautiful art objects. Out of this contradiction, women invented a varied abstract visual language. We are not attempting to resolve
 that contradiction, which is a real one. It is not our point that the objects women
 made were, or need to be, judged qualitatively as equal, inferior, or superior to
 those of men. What we are saying is that we do not subscribe to these
 categorizations.
 We cannot neglect the contexts, both real and ideological, in which women's art has
 been made. Our critique questions the social and political structures which created
 and perpetuated discriminating hierarchies. By looking at traditional societies
 through our Western, female eyes, we can acknowledge the biased quality of our
 interpretations. We can also see how contemporary biases were anticipated by the
 discriminatory attitudes toward women characteristic of the cultures we have
 investigated.
 We take for granted that women's self-expression in textiles was artistic expression.
 Social structures and supporting mythologies did have the potential to thwart
 creative needs of women. What was important was women's ability to break codes, to
 play with format, and to transcend limitations. Women often had to subvert societal
 dictates in order to gain access to a fundamental human need—that of artistic
 self-expression. Any attempt to deny this need is a painful form of oppression. That
 women in traditional societies have been resourceful and spirited in challenging this
 must be celebrated.
 </div>
<div>
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 </div>
 </div>
 </body>
 <back>
 <div>
 Jean Feinberg is a painter living in New York City. Lenore Goldberg is a New York
 painter involved with pattern and collage. Julie Gross is an artist living in New
 York who teaches at <orgName>Pratt New York Phoenix School of Design</orgName>. Bella Lieberman does art
 and secretarial work in New York City. Elizabeth Sacre, an Australian, is studying
 literature and education at <orgName key="Teachers College" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7691246">Columbia University Teachers College</orgName>.
 </div>
 </back>
 </text>
</TEI>

From the Editorial Group

Issue 4: Women’s Traditional Arts – The Politics of Aesthetics

17 items in Collection

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