3 Short Fictions Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://purl.oclc.org/dsdl/schematron"?> <?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/LEAF-VRE/code_snippets/refs/heads/main/CSS/leaf.css" title="LEAF" ?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>3 Short Fictions</title> <author>Lucy Lippard</author> <respStmt> <persName>Eowyn Andres</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lyndon Beier</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mia DeRoco</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2021)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Zoha Nadeer</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Carrie Pirmann</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Valeria Riley</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Ricky Rodriguez</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Valeria Riley</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kelly Troop</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lucy Wadswoth</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anna Marie Wingard</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Wychock</persName> <resp>Graduate Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>Patterns of Communicating and Space Among Women</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox> <settlement>New York</settlement> <region>New York</region> <postCode>10013</postCode> </address> </pubPlace> </imprint> </monogr> </biblStruct> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> </teiHeader> <text> <body> <div type="essay"> <pb n="22" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_022.jpg"/> <head>3 short fictions</head> <byline>lucy r. lippard</byline> <div> <head>1. the cries you hear</head> <p> The rocks trembled every day for over two months and in parts of Tibet a sick person or a woman who had given birth to a child was carefully prevented from sleeping. Sometimes the flower is so constructed that the insect cannot get at the nectar without brushing against a stigma which, perhaps because males tend to fall asleep more rapidly than females after intercourse, returns to stone needles. In the process of collapse the star’s outer layers compress. Lying naked in the pouring rain, our wetness the world’s wetness, our hard bodies the makings of rock. We took no photographs. The vacant plains were a featureless screen on which we projected our memories of rivers forests oceans and mountains, of elsewhere — quick! Before it....</p> <p> Meanwhile, the females of the indispensable earthquake rest quietly in the half-closed blossoms, sharing the power of sleep, oblivious to our pain. I was long in doubt concerning the origins of these conditions of stress, horror and exhaustion. That two different organisms should have simultaneously adapted themselves to each other. During the third severe shock the trees were so violently shaken that the birds flew out with frightened cries. Bubblelike cavities formed by expanding gas. Solid pieces blown violently out of the womb. Glass surfaces, brittle and gleaming, formed by rapid solidification. Touch me here. Wrinkles, pores in the earth’s skin, basalt lavas swelling from beneath, channeled in fissures, dust and ash. The cries you hear are only the continuing shock of life. </p> <p> "It is a fatal delusion which presents the earth as the lower half of the universe and the heavens as its upper half. The heavens and earth are not two separate creations, as we have heard repeated thousands and thousands of times. They are only one. The earth is in the heavens. The heavens are infinite space, indefinite expanse, a void without limits; no frontier circumscribes them, they have neither beginning nor end, neither top nor bottom, right nor left; there is an infinity of spaces which succeed each other in every direction.</p> <p> A mountain chain is an effective barrier. The slow movement of underground waters carrying silica into sandstone. Limestone metamorphosed is marble. Bedding planes obscured and mineral impurities drawn out into swirling streaks and bands, swirling streaks and bedding planes obscured. He is tall and arrogant, questioning and vulnerable. Cold tar will shatter if struck but will flow downhill if left undisturbed for a long time. Shattered and flowing, flowing and shattered if struck. Hard things that were soft. Soft things that were hard. Hot things that were cold. Cold things that were hot. Wet things that were dry. Dry things that were wet. Old things that were young. Young things that won’t be old. It stops somewhere? Prove it.</p> <p> Under the mist a solid prose of rocks, rocks and water, hard rocks and flowing water, safe rocks and treacherous water. Rough rocks, motion frozen to the touch, thorny black volcanic piles, a vein, an aggregate, a channel worn away, a pit blown or swirled out, grains, knife edges vertical. And smooth rocks, covered with pale and slippery algae, soothed to a fine old gentleness. Patterns of water, ancient muds, slow curves.</p> <p> In some alpine mountains high above the timberline, sheets of frost-shattered rock fragments creep slowly down the valleys making curious tonguelike forms. My mouth. My tongue makes love to my mouth, searching its cavities for the softest, wettest places to fondle, sliding past and over the hard sharp teeth so that it hurts a little, overlapping, lapping its own roughness, slipping across the toothmounds under the gums and falling into the dark throat. Craving in. Prose, not poetry. Its tentacles reach in more directions at once, from a solider base, at a natural pace. It circles and radiates, has a core and a skin and a network of capillaries instead of only arteries. Memories wear away the present to an older landscape. My leg, thicker at the top than at the bottom, stronger at the bottom than at the top, stranger at the top than at the bottom, more useful at the bottom than at the top. At the top, plump flesh held firmly between thumb and forefinger, a few long fine hairs on the broadest whitest part. Smooth and soft and secret lining where other hairs intrude from other sources - darker, coarser. A crease separating the leg from the rest of the body, a crease that changes character as the leg is used for <pb n="23" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_023.jpg"/> different things, a soft crease when I am sitting, a mysterious crease when I am lying with one leg curled to my stomach, no crease at all when I am walking, but creased again when running, sometimes. A taut surface when held back, a valley between bulges when not. A leg slimming gradually to a knotted center where the bones assert themselves. A hard hairy hilltop, then a wrinkled old topography flattened into valleys. A leg that swells again, harder this time, smooth again, with a neatly turning strength of its own, a leg that is straight in front and soft-hard in back, flat then rounded, a leg that finally gives way to ankle and foot, the working parts detached from pleasure places above. The bony not so pretty skeletons of motion, fleshed only around the ankle bones, arched over the instep and finally twice in touch with the earth.</p> <p> Each major time unit is brought to a close by orogeny, also called revolution. Disturbance, disruption, disintegration, under pressure. Even the strongest rocks may develop fractures. Deep decay and rotting of igneous and metamorphic rocks, from blocks to egg and sphere shapes. Water entering into union with minerals. Metamorphic rocks have undergone kneading and shaping, baking and shaking, shale turning to slate when split by cleavage, by slippage, during the process. Slate when struck sharply rings metallically. Clay comes in all colors. Playing the geomorphic role of a weak rock, staring at each other but not speaking until finally. A poetic geology to take back to the red hills, white clay to merge as pink. Isolated submarine mountains, the ocean floor pulled apart here, causing a rift, a certain cruelty. Alone is better I say. Then stop the invasion. If you see two scorpions together they are either making love or one of them is being eaten. Aries energy stepped back into the earth. My rock, your mesas. Ice needles pry apart joint blocks, tremendous pressures and bare high cliffs fall off into conical forms, especially in dry climates. Niches, shallow caves, rock arches, pits, cliff dwellings. Come now. Yes/No. In deserts, flash floods and earthflows, mudflows result from the inability of the dry land to permeate the perma frost. Shrinking and swelling. Given sufficient time, barriers can be broken down and new topographies arise. An unbridgeable gulf does not exist between organic and inorganic matter.</p> <p> Drift, and erratic boulders are ascribed to mineral richness, to the action of great waves, but women’s tides told in the caves refute such theories. Play pale beyond. In a climate warmer than that we warned each other, islands separated from ice cover by a wide expanse of ocean, foregoing clubs for quieter power, fleshed fat and knowing. Warm interglacial leaves, closer to the fires, hands in a ring, shadows on the ceilings, circles drawn at dusk, footsteps from below. The occasional peculiar transportation of boulders in a manner not in harmony with what we see ice doing at the present time. But little girls are crafty. Our laughter pits the ocean floor. Echoing with pebble talk, scratched on anemones. Walls curving inward toward us. No windows. Pictures nonetheless. Melted between sisters in collision. Only global catastrophes could have brought about that smoothness. Only torrential rains, wet hair, wet cheeks. Each other. Barren stone and fragmented debris stops here, swept back while lakes and valleys are dug out by other women. Each a specialist in her field. What generates the enormous forces that bend, break and crush the rocks in mountain zones? What indeed. Women’s cataclysmic work, traced by fingers in the meteoric dust. Giving birth to each other. Excessive.</p> </div> <div> <head>2. into among</head> <p>Stepping down and out. Someone else can move into this house. It looks o.k. from the outside but the inside needs some work. I only regret how long it took to get down those stairs to the basement. Overhead the pretty flowered curtains make wavered patterns on the sunny floor. A tomato is rotting fuzzily in the icebox drawer and other closets capture other odors, other faults. Under the bed dust gathers roses smell acrid. The sheets at the hamper’s bottom were stained last winter, not since. l’ve opened the windows but not the doors. It’s all yours, if you want it.</p> <p> Nesting fantasies. I am high in the tallest tree in the world and it sways in the wind. Exhilarating, precarious. I cling to my egg which is disguised as the sea. When the fish hatches I swim through the air until I find a cave, brown, humid, and grainy, where after a night with the boulder another egg is laid, this one transparent. l’m happy watching the beginnings of a new dream. It sometimes has petals, sometimes blades. One morning the walls are opaque and that’s that. Dead leaves turn to stone and I would leave but for the field of snakes that writhes beyond the entrance.</p> <p> Shuttered. Unhinged. Falling off the roof. A nice white clapboard house with a soft green lawn, lace curtains at the windows, roses on a trellis over the door, the old fanlight sparkling when the light hits it. We need a very long time to move up the flagstone walk. In the process a war takes place, peace reigns, men land on the moon and women defend it, black blankets of oil are thrown across birds’ coffins and the sea stinks. Still the little house remains, the sun always dappling its freshly painted walls, the sound of piano scales twinkling delicately behind the curtain of warmth. When we reach the door we are exhausted, gray, crippled, and in pain. The doorknob, though brilliantly brass, is cold to our touch and the door sticks. It takes our last strength to open it and throw ourselves across the threshold onto what should be a rosy hearth but is instead a deep dark well, the bottom of which, at this telling, we have not reached.</p> </div> <div> <pb n="24" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_024.jpg"/> <head>3. headwaters</head> <p> <quote>For reasons of their own, women are suspicious of diving and frown on their menfolk going down. D—, who has starred in several underwater films, has never received a fan letter from a woman. </quote>-<ref>Jacques Cousteau</ref> We are already down there. We have already gone down, our breasts bumping the boulders struggling to rise. Our menfolk don’t know where to send the fan letters. Can dive, but not delve. Perhaps far down are boundaries between layers of water not obvious at the surface of the sea and quite independent of surface phenomena. Not just still waters. Rapture of the depths. At a town called Headtide there is an old white church unconsciously marking with its spire the spot where the Sheepscot River, short and wide, a tidal estuary, comes to an end in a stony brook and then goes underground. The term tidal wave is loosely applied. Some rivers braid long plaits of sand with thinning streams, and others — always full, muddy and sated — lag in fat banks. Tides are most marked when the sun is nearest the earth. Tides thigh tickling, oozing over the edges and hummocks, a band of foam, making liquid land. Creeps up me toward immersion. Hold your waters. Making waves, seeing red. I flow she flows we flow. Lunar and solar tides coincide, are fully cumulative only twice each lunar month. While fans unfold, snap shut, and leave the flowers no escape. Underwater, irregularities rise and, cursing, fall. Two or more wave patterns at the same place and time. There can, however, be independent waves. And long rivers pass through different landforms like changing lovers. Impatiently cutting gorges, willing waterfalls and rapids to flatness. Unfamiliar bodies hurled at each other. Beneath the rumbling, boulders lurk and lurch, needing a pool.</p> <p>My traveling dreams are washed in foreign waters. In one I swim along a beach. The water is warm and the same pale blue as the sky — bleached but not burning. Behind me swims a large black dog and before me floats a group of exotic birds, brilliant pink feathers wet but still light, raised above the water in a tangle of wings. The end of the beach is distant; all sand, no rocks or trees in sight. My swimming is leisurely but purposeful. In another dream I wake alone and rush to find my lover. He is in the bathtub and I yell desperately at him: Did I sleep alone last night? Did I sleep alone last night? Another night, my child, my lover and I are going to see a lighthouse through a swamp. The waterway is not very wide. Trees hang dense over the edges but in the center where we swim it’s blue, unshaded. A long trip to make boatless, but we are swimming, accompanied at times by a fat friend. l’m not struck by the fact that we are swimming so much as by the length of the trip, not tired so much as a little bored. Once again the water is tepid, body temperature, lulling. The lighthouse when we get there is on a broader bay, still inland, mountains in the distance. There is some talk of leaving and returning in the afternoon. But there isn’t time.</p> <p>The waters broke with no warning. Lie still, pretend while it crests. Above our caves the divers’ forms pass dimly, unaware. Destructive advances of the sea upon the coasts have two distinct origins: dreams like sunwarmed flats when the tide comes in very slowly, visibly; earthquakes and storms. Neither related to the tide, and often not actually waves. Floating, I am a fleshy layer between sea and sky. Why go down? Letters melt and corals build. Why go down and not feel the moon in the pit of your stomach? Or hear ripples whisper on the floor? The ocean’s bedrock blurred. Unexpected, the cold and purifying northern channels. With no warning, water on the brain, the belly, breast and buttock. Internal waves stained pink affecting everything below above. Doesn’t hold water, that’s all. Divers ring their bells but fail to reach us, cannot pierce the bubbles that contain them. And we are already down there, friendly, calm, constructing small places in which to wait, making room for others, settling in, exchanging disguises, rearranging caves and mountains, waiting until they stop pouring oil on the waters, till they stop throwing rocks, sinking ships, turning our tides.</p> </div> </div> </body> <back> <p>Lucy Lippard is a feminist art critic who also writes "fiction"; it has been published in Center, Big Deal, Tractor, The World and elsewhere. </p> </back> </text> </TEI>
Body, Space and Personal Ritual Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://purl.oclc.org/dsdl/schematron"?> <?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/LEAF-VRE/code_snippets/refs/heads/main/CSS/leaf.css" title="LEAF" ?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>Body, Space and Personal Ritual</title> <author>Sherry Markovitz</author> <respStmt> <persName>Eowyn Andres</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lyndon Beier</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mia DeRoco</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2021)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Zoha Nadeer</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Carrie Pirmann</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Valeria Riley</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Ricky Rodriguez</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Valeria Riley</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kelly Troop</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lucy Wadswoth</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anna Marie Wingard</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Wychock</persName> <resp>Graduate Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>Patterns of Communicating and Space Among Women</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox> <settlement>New York</settlement> <region>New York</region> <postCode>10013</postCode> </address> </pubPlace> </imprint> </monogr> </biblStruct> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> </teiHeader> <text> <body> <pb/> <div type="essay"> <pb n="19" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_019.jpg"/> <head> Body, Space and Personal Ritual</head> <byline>Sherry Markovitz</byline> <div> <p> My initial ideas for this project con cerned the observation and documentation of a 24-hour period in a woman’s life, long enough to allow a certain time, body state or space to dominate. To date I have documented six people and am still in the process of observing four of them, including my mother, Rose, my sister, Merilyn, and my sister’s four-year-old daughter, Anda (who occupies one bedroom and one playroom).</p> <p> In my photographs I try to locate the feelings and sensations of my subjects, though sometimes it is just a scanning process. I am concerned with a person s experience at a particular time and in a particular space. Past and future apply only when they obviously relate to the present; for example, a woman in her ninth month of pregnancy who has gained 40 pounds has a different energy than in prepregnancy, and her movements become cumbersome, fewer, and more focused.</p> <p> My selection of subjects has been critical. I have chosen for the most part by instinct. External circumstances, such as economic constrictions, are major factors in occupation of space, so I have selected women from diverse economic, educa tional and cultural backgrounds. There is also a wide variety in the degree of intimacy, as my subjects range from my mother and sister to total strangers. I am documenting a lesbian couple because women living openly with other women in love/sexual relationships is one of the important recent changes in women’s life styles. I had thought about documenting a transsexual and a pair of identical twins, but I finally decided that such unique situations emphasized the anomalies and detracted from exploring the essentials of body, space and personal ritual. I always ask, "Why do you want to be documented?" The answers often contain vital clues. Some people just want to be observed. Some have a fantasy or a political-ideological commitment they want to project through their space, personal ritual and body movement. For instance, many feminists have approached me, but I want to document women’s space, not just feminists’ space.</p> <p> Two events have been significant in my use and understanding of my own space since I began this project. First I painted my bathroom and then I moved from my 500-square-foot home to a new apartment with 1200 square feet, which I trans formed into a fantasy of space that I had had for a long time —large, empty, quiet, low stimulation. The second event was being hospitalized for ten days with a serious pelvic infection. I was given a little tray with powder, cream, toothbrush, toothpaste, mouthwash and cup. Nurses and doctors took over the care of my body, which was so much a part of my personal ritual. I adapted to this external ly imposed space, but as I recovered, I began to reassert my control over my personal ritual. When I shared a room, it was with a very sick woman who had cancer. I observed what happens when the disintegration of a person’s body breaks down her ability to control her own space and ritual. I listened to the nurses and doctors repeating how good she smelled from baby powder. I began to think about this and what happens in prisons, mental institutions, hospitals, nursing homes, dormitories, the army. I thought about how a person maintains her personal ritual or utilizes space in such involuntary circumstances, what a woman takes with her to such places.</p> <p> My project is primarily concerned with how a person takes up space, whether or not she seems to fill a room, how her use of space relates to that of her husband, children or roommates. I had trouble understanding one woman who seemed perfectly at ease with her body; perhaps it was just that which lessened her need to order or definitively affect external space. </p> <p> Some people don’t make good subjects be cause their lives are too much in flux or too disintegrated. With others it is hard to separate what the subject believes to be true from what I observe.</p> <p> It is important to me that the subject really understand what the project is about on her own terms. I have to feel comfortable with my subjects, to feel that I am not intruding too much. What they do and don’t want photographed is informative, though I don’t want to be controlled by what someone wants me to see. Concealment is a delicate issue I've thought about a lot. The project is really about disclosure, about how much a woman is able to disclose to the artist. As soon as the camera comes in, there is in evitably a certain amount of playacting. I have to understand that, and at the same time minimize my presence to get as real a picture as possible of everyday ritual and space.</p> <p> The key to personal ritual is found in different places for different women. It may appear in the areas to which a woman devotes the most energy during the day. And yet a dirty kitty-litter box may say something more important — or plants (when they are watered or moved into the sunlight), or the humidifier (the ritual of keeping it filled and the space at the proper temperature), or the medicine cabinet, the phone, the television set, a workspace, shopping bag, refrigerator, cupboard shelves, cosmetics drawer. The pace of the daily ritual is particularly important. In one case the care and time taken to wrap a head of lettuce indicated general “compulsive perfection." The same woman told me that she had once sent out her cloth napkins to be cleaned and pressed for her husband’s birthday dinner party. They "didn’t look right" when they came back from the laundry, so she rewashed and reironed all of them. </p> </div> <div> <pb n="20" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_020.jpg"/> <head>Rose</head> <p>Jewish, 57 years old, married for 37 years, three grown children, part-time housewife recently returned to nursing on part-time basis. She has started studying Spanish to understand her non-English-speaking clients and volunteers her nursing services periodically at a second clinic. Still spends a great deal of time cooking, cleaning, and caring for people (husband, grandchild once a week, often visiting children). The day always starts early and goes quickly, with great activity. Her husband, a car dealer (age 63), used to put in an eight- to 12-hour day. He now comes home earlier and they have (to her joy) more social life. Rose also entertains her friends at home (a two-story house) with weekly dinners of lox and bagels (paid for on a rotating basis by "the girls”), followed by a Mah-jongg game. Bedtime is usually nine or ten, sometimes earlier, but never without an evening bath. Probably the greatest changes for her at this time are the recent loss of her mother, the coming of a second grandchild, and the full transition to "grandmotherhood."</p> </div> <pb n="23" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_021.jpg"/> <div> <head>Merilyn</head> <p>Married, 34 years old, a mother, expecting her second child, working on a Ph.D. in human development—"busy, researcher, clinician, social worker, psychologist, woman." She feels a lot of pressure to fulfill many roles. The pregnancy has made both physical and mental activity more difficult, with many days needed for rest and many nights to bed early. What is obvious about Merilyn is the pleasure and time she takes for personal ritual, both alone and with her family. The white space, although designed by her artist husband, is also an expression of her own aesthetic — it comes from the need to create a sanctuary. In her demographic form for this project, she describes her marital status as "a lot, happy, traditional, non-traditional"; her ethnic background as "a lot (chicken soup)"; her religion as "sometimes." </p> </div> </div> </body> <back> <p>Sherry Markovitz, age 29, is an artist living in Seattle who works photographically with themes of family and sex differences.</p> </back> </text> </TEI>
Inside/Out: A Return To My Body Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://purl.oclc.org/dsdl/schematron"?> <?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/LEAF-VRE/code_snippets/refs/heads/main/CSS/leaf.css" title="LEAF" ?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>Inside/Out: A Return to my Body</title> <author>Sue Heinemann</author> <respStmt> <persName>Eowyn Andres</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lyndon Beier</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mia DeRoco</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2021)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Zoha Nadeer</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Carrie Pirmann</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Valeria Riley</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Ricky Rodriguez</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Valeria Riley</persName> <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kelly Troop</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lucy Wadswoth</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anna Marie Wingard</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Wychock</persName> <resp>Graduate Editor (2024-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>Patterns of Communicating and Space Among Women</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox> <settlement>New York</settlement> <region>New York</region> <postCode>10013</postCode> </address> </pubPlace> </imprint> </monogr> </biblStruct> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> </teiHeader> <text> <body> <div type="essay"> <pb n="12" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_012.jpg"/> <head>Inside/Out: A Return To My Body</head> <byline>Sue Heinemann</byline> <p> Another term we used a lot was "kinaesthetic awareness." The kinaesthetic sense has to do with sensing movement in your own body, sensing your body's changing dynamic configurations. But it's more than that. - Simone Forti, Handbook in Motion</p> <p> I remember my first class with Elaine Summers, a New York dancer whose teaching focuses on kinesthetic awareness. As I lay quiet on the ground, eyes closed, Elaine led me on a journey through my body. Can you feel your toenails? Your metatarsals? Knees, thighs, on up through eyebrows and hair. Amazing how much of my body I couldn't feel —no sensation. As if parts of me had just disappeared. No calves, no armpits, no eyelashes. And wonder how many of us really sense our bodies as integrated with our selves. Do we only acknowledge the body when "it" hurts, when something's "wrong"? In how many ways have we learned to disown our bodies?</p> <p> I think of how we tend to enthrone our minds, all-knowing. The body as a tool, only necessary to get work done. Or the body as an object, to be looked at, admired, displayed. The body remains an accessory, not integral to our definition of being. Just to speak of body sensations, of how emotions are felt located specifically in the body arouses skepticism. And I wonder if it is even possible to convey what "listening" to your body means to someone who has not experienced it. The difference between knowing something intellectually and understanding it through your feeling in your body. </p> <p> Just as someone who has never seen the color yellow has no way of conceiving what that color is like, people bound into specific body controls cannot experience the vivacity of bodily freedom until they break those controls. <note>1. Ann Halprin, "Community Art as Life Process," The Drama Review (Sept. 1973), p. 66.</note></p> <p> Summer 1975. I went to California to participate in Anna Halprin's dance workshop. Anna explains:</p> <quote>In our approach to theatre and dance, art grows directly out of our lives. Whatever emotional, physical, or mental barriers ... we carry around within us in our personal lives will be the same barriers that inhibit our full creative expression..... I work with the notion that emotional blocks are tied into our physical body and mental images..... When a person has reached an impasse we know something in their life and in their art is not working. What is not working is their old dance. The old dance is made up of imprints imbedded in the muscles anc nerves that is reflected in behavior patterns manifested in the way that person participates, interrelates and performs their life and their art.<note>2. Quoted in: Frañtisek Déak and Norma Jean (Déak), "Ann Halprin's Theatre and Therapy Workshop, The Drama Review (March, 1976), p. 51.</note></quote> <p>Each morning we performed "movement ritual," a series of exercises through which we listened to our bodies, "hearing" how we felt. According to Anna, "Daily movement ritual is a way of becoming aware of self, of your body and all the spaces and areas of your body, what you feel like and where your mind is."<note>3. Anna Halprin, "Life/art workshop processes," in Taking Part by Lawrence Halprin and Jim Burns (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1974), p. 174.</note> One <pb n="13" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_013.jpg"/> morning at the end of movement ritual, Anna told us just to let our bodies move themselves, without imposing any preset pat terns, without interfering with notions of what might look "graceful." I lay there, not thinking about how to move. I felt my legs gently pull apart, opening up my genitals, and my pelvis tilted under, slowly lifting my torso upward and back down. The experience was both real and unreal, as if my body were literally talking to me, telling me how I felt. I watched, observing how my body wanted to unfold, to open out, my pelvis widening, my chest expanding. I got scared. And I retreated, my body closing in, curling up tighter and tighter. My "dance" spoke to me about my female sexuality in a way my head had never allowed.</p> <p> My body as a woman. A biological given. Each month I go through the menstrual cycle. I sense the changes inside my body, the shifts in mood. My lower back tenses in anticipation, as if to inhibit the flow, to deny my natural female functioning. Is that a learned behavior? Clara Thompson, a well-known analyst wrote: "Because menstruation is obvious and uncontestable evidence of femaleness, many neurotic attitudes become attached to it; many painful menstrual periods are not due to organic difficulties at all but to protests against being female.<note>4. Clara M. Thompson, On Women (New York: New American Library, 1964), p. 25.</note>"" The secrecy of menstruation, not to be mentioned, not accepted. If I let my lower spine and pelvis move slowly, unrestricted, as they want to move, I can allow the flow to happen. Without the cramps of protest.</p> <p> Menstruation — a sense of inner rhythm, an obvious connection between my body and my being. And I wonder if the visibility of this connection, month after month, makes it easier for women to get in touch with their feelings through their bodies. Margaret Mead notes: "It may be that the fact that women's bodies are prepared for a so much lengthier participation in the creation of a human being may make females — even those who bear no children — more prone to take their own bodies as the theater of action."<note>5. Margaret Mead, "On Freud's View of Female Psychology," in Women & Analysis, ed. Jean Strouse (New York: Dell, 1974), p. 127.</note></p> <p> I think about Erik Erikson's article "Womanhood and Inner Space, and the controversy it raised.<note>6. Originally published in 1968, reprinted with a reply to criticisms in Women & Analysis.</note> Believing that play represents the child's experience of her/his own body, Erikson found that the differing spatial configurations of play scenes constructed by children reflected the girls' preoccupation with inner space (womb) and the boys' with outer space (penis). In a recent replication of Erikson's study, Phebe Cramer concludes, "In other words, the exciting events of a boy's life are exterior — and here I would say exterior to his own body ... Girls, on the other hand, focus on the interior. Excitement occurs within...."<note>7. Phebe Cramer, "The Development of Play and Fantasy in Boys and Girls," in Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Science, Vol. 4 (New York: International Universities Press, 1975), p. 561.</note> I read this as a positive assertion. My body is constructed differently from a man's. The sense of inner space —not a void, empty, waiting to be filled, but a possibility, in touch with growth, alive, whole.</p> <p> My body as a woman. Have I learned to hold my body in a particular way because I am a woman? How does my stance conform to and reinforce how I am supposed to feel as a woman? In Elaine Summer's class I was working with my shoulders. The exercise: to stretch my arm out from the shoulder joint as far as it wanted to go, then release it slowly back to center. Repeating this, turning my arm, rotating my shoulder first in, then out. Afterward my shoulders relaxed, heavy, weighted on the floor. Yet when I stood up, I felt vulnerable, my chest, my breasts exposed. Confusing instructions ran round my head —to be a woman is weak, you must not be weak, you must not show you are a woman. And I observed my shoulders rise in tension to protect me.</p> <p> A friend told me that once, while working with her shoulders, she reexperienced her teenage embarrassment at being flat-chested. She remembered intentionally caving in her chest so no one would notice her "deficiency." Expectations of how to be a woman. Elaine mentioned watching a little girl running around, doing cartwheels, moving freely, naturally. The girl's mother called her over to walk beside mother and grandmother. The little girl's body stiffened, her "activity" constricted, as she readily assumed the pose of "woman" in imitation of her mother and grandmother. Three generations — a legacy of how to behave as woman. The little girl sits demure, hands on her lap, ankles crossed — do not fidget. All those messages. And how do they make me feel as a woman?</p> <p> My body as a woman. I return to Anna Halprin's workshop. After three weeks of working together, the women and men separated to find out how we experienced ourselves as groups, women interacting with women, men with men. The women began with a rap session. Tentative, sensing each other, a preliminary.</p> <p> Anna then led us through a "movement preparation," to take us inside ourselves. While doing the exercise, we were to visualize our "life histories as women, to become aware of our woman hood. We worked in pairs, focusing inward by concentrating on our breathing. I sat on my partner Sara's chest, pressing against her shoulders as she exhaled, letting go as she inhaled. Then, in another exercise, I gently pushed down on Sara's stomach as she breathed out. When she inhaled, I raised her up, my hands grip ping behind her, opening out her chest ... pulling her toward me as I lay back on the ground ready to exhale. Repeat, reversing roles in seesaw alternation. Release, letting go — expansion, taking in. A natural rhythmic cycle at the center of my being. And yet how hard it is not to try to control this vital process, not to interfere. Letting go, giving up freely, "passive"; taking in, open ing up fully, "active" —the simple process of breathing acquires connotations. Do I resist exhaling, stopping short, afraid of being "passive"?</p> <pb n="14" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_014.jpg"/> <p> Often, doing the movement work, one associates in images. Each of us drew the images evoked by the exercises, and we showed our drawings to each other, relating how these images reflected our experiences of ourselves, our experiences as women. Dana had depicted a child-woman standing small before an enormous closed door, surrounded by empty space. No mother to greet her. Alone. On her own. Alice had drawn a little girl seated in a yoga position with her arms held tightly against her body. She explained that at 31 she felt "too young" to have children, that she herself was just a child. Alice looked at her breasts in disbelief; she couldn't be grown up. My own drawing showed an interior space —delicately pasteled, tenuous lines flowing into and around each other. Scribbled flames of orange-red anger surrounded the inner sanctum, threatening to penetrate, to over whelm it. And all of this was rigidly encased in thick black lines ...contained.</p> <p> Some of the women danced out their visualizations. The process of drawing our responses to the original activity and then using these drawings as a score for another dance encouraged a dialogue with our experiences. Melinda had sketched an incident from her childhood: while trying to prove her strength by climb ing a tree, she had fallen in front of her father and sister (her sister turned away from her in disgust). She asked us to call out conflicting instructions —for her to be a "lady" or a "tomboy." At one point someone yelled, "You won't have any boyfriends. Melinda lashed out at this voice and burst into tears. She closed her dance by convincingly repeating Anna's words, "I can cry and still be strong."</p> <p> Marlo's dance was last. Her drawing was covered with words: "you can't get out," "push me." Like Alice, she explained she felt "too young." In response, we formed a birth canal, offering resistance as Marlo tried to crawl between our legs. Several times she stopped, frustrated, and we taunted her gently, urging her on. Finally Marlo reached Anna, who was waiting quietly at the other end. But Meg, the last woman in the canal, still held onto Marlo's legs. When the two separated, Meg curled into a fetal position. The group gave birth to twins. Humming softly, we became a chorus cradling the two women. Marlo rocked, nestled quiet in Anna's arms. Meg, in contrast, needed to laugh so that she could cry. And those of us surrounding the two women were no longer simply performers enacting a score. We were participants involved in a drama —not fiction but real. Each of us was Meg and Marlo, woman finding her self, woman reborn. Woman secure in the presence of other women.</p> <p> The following day our movement preparation focused on how certain feelings correlate with specific body positions, how emotional responses are locked into particular body attitudes. We sank slowly, vertebra by vertebra, from a standing position, curling tightly into a ball, then opening out, spread on the ground. As we continued to shift from open to closed positions, we were told to imagine a man in our lives looking at our bodies and to note how we felt about his gaze. I saw first my father, then my friend Bob watching me. Again the feeling of exposure as my chest and pelvis expanded wide. As if by opening, I were to give up my self. My arms reached to hug my knees to my chest. No, I would not show them my body, my femaleness.</p> <p> Finally we spiraled on the ground, one leg rotating across the body, reaching forward, the corresponding arm rotating out, reaching back. We explored this movement, making it more and more sensuous, twisting slowly, luxuriously, until we were dancing our love for our female bodies, accepting our sexuality. Turning the torso, tentative at first, reaching down to caress an ankle, a calf. Flowing from one movement to the next, exploring the fullness of the chest, the length of the neck, opening up to new possibilities of movement, new ways of being. Each woman performed for the others, sharing her own discovery of the beauty of her body, of her self. A celebration.</p> <p> In contrast, we spent the afternoon dealing with aggressive energies, with what Anna called "self-hate." We worked again in pairs. Alice lay down, hands beneath her head, elbows on the ground. As she tried to lift her elbows up to bring them together, I offered resistance by pressing down on them — not so much that she couldn't perform the movement, just enough to make it a struggle. While striving to raise her elbows, each woman was to let out a sound as a way of releasing energy and vocalizing her emotional response. A welter of groans, screeching into shrieks, often climaxing in tears.</p> <p> Again we drew our experiences and danced them out. My image was a mountain, closed off in dense blackness, impenetrable, with a tiny figure struggling desperately all alone to the top. A pretense of strength. The barrier from my earlier drawing ...I am afraid to cry, afraid to show "weakness." I keep telling myself I can make it, I can make it, I don't need anyone. So I grit my teeth, holding my feelings in, and lift my elbows... To perform this score, I asked several women to hold me down so that I couldn't get up. How real this "game" became. Despite the resistance, I was stubbornly determined to stand up. I couldn't (wouldn't) let any sound out, let anyone know how I was feeling. The others' taunts hurt me —"how constipated she is," "you don't want to take up our time," etc., etc. — but the hurt remained bottled up inside. Sure, I might have simply told the others to stop at any time, but (psychologically) I couldn't. And I reflect on Anna's insistence that dance is a direct expression of one's life. That the same emotional blocks that restrict our everyday functioning also limit our movement.</p> <quote>I have people clearly looking at their old dance, confronting it and accepting what it is and by dancing it, experiencing that it is not working. Once this has happened, all that vital energy locked up in the old dance is rechanneled as energy and motivation to be used in creating a new one.<note>8. Anna Halprin, quoted in Déak, p. 51.</note></quote> <p> After two days of separation, the women and men came back together. Each group presented its experience to the other. The women chose to perform in a redwood grove. First we sketched out a collective score, each of us offering suggestions as the plan took shape. The atmosphere of our setting was compelling ... the silence, the needle floor muffling every footstep. We decided to make that silence the core of our dance — no words, no sound. Other elements impressed us. We noted the trees towering upright, the light softly filtering through, the sacredness, the timelessness of the place. We wanted to merge with this environment without invading it, to recognize and respect its power as <pb n="15" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_015.jpg"/> part of ourselves. And we wanted to convey what the two days of being together had meant to us, how our experience as a group had strengthened us as individuals.</p> <p> We began our performance separated, each woman dancing her self in relation to the surroundings. I snuggled myself inside a tree stump, needing enclosure within the vastness around me. I couldn't see the others. Yet I felt their presence, I felt joined in experience to them. And I became more confident; I rose to meet the trees, standing straight and tall. My hands reached out to clasp Alice's. We walked toward each other, slowly, silently, deliberately. Other women too began to approach each other, linking hand to hand. Soon we formed a chain, and we wended our way, step by step, downhill. At one moment we paused. Sylvia stood alone, below us, sunlit on the dust-covered road. She just stood there ... silent, still, the only movement the rising and falling of her chest as she breathed in and out. That was her dance. And her dance spoke to all of our experiences. A sense of inner strength, not assertive, just present. An inner rhythm, in tune with, part of the world around. An openness both expand ing, filling the space, and taking in, absorbing the space. One.</p> <p> The men's dance was totally different. I find myself resorting to clichés. The men performed in a cove at the bottom of a sharp cliff, where the sea battled the rocks. The women watched from above. Each man stood isolated on his own rock. Each was costumed according to his self-image. Arthur posed erect, legs firmly astride, a warrior, face painted, high above on the tallest rock. Lower down, on another rock, Jamie writhed, moaning and shrieking, shaking his seaweed hair. Each man did a specific movement which the others then imitated. A male "chorus." Each note sounded, then echoed back in differing tones as each man adapted the movement to his own body. The shouts, the power flung amidst the waves pounding rocks. The aggressiveness, the "maleness" struck me.</p> <p> One by one, the men disappeared around a corner. Arthur jerked his rattle in a frenzied dance, Jamie plunged into the icy water to swim away. We could only hear the triumphant cries of the tribe gathering. Then they reappeared, to enact a healing ritual. How different from the women's ceremony with Meg and Marlo. The men danced around each other, they seemed to avoid touching each other. Their gestures were bound; less gentle, less direct than ours had been; their mutual support less overt. And then they invited us down to the rocks to be healed. To be healed by the men? Was this really a meeting, equal to equal?</p> <p> I still wonder that so many women went down. The atmosphere created by the men's dance was alien, alien to me as a woman. To go down was to enter a territory already staked out on their terms. Again the stereotypes. And yet ... What I had felt among the women was our shared strength, each of us rein forcing the other — not so much through isolated echoes, as in the men's dance, more in harmony. We were less insistent on an individualistic integrity. The men seemed afraid of each other, afraid to let their bodies mingle, afraid to touch. An aggregate of dominant notes rather than a true chorus. (Some people have thought that the difference I sensed was because I was an observer of the men and a participant with the women. I don't think so. In later discussions, the men admitted how difficult it had been for them to come together as a group, how hard it had been to relate physically, to get close to each other.)</p> <p> Differences in communication patterns. In Marge Piercy's novel Small Changes, Wanda is showing the members of her theatre group the different ways men and women occupy space. She chooses for illustration how people sit in public places. "Men expanded into available space. They sprawled, or they sat with spread legs.... Women condensed.... Women sat protectively using elbows not to dominate space, not to mark territory, but to protect their soft tissues."<note>9. Marge Piercy, Small Changes (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1973), p. 438.</note> And I wonder again about the ways women have been taught to hold their bodies.</p> <p> It's almost two years since I became aware of my body. And l'm still learning. Finding my center. Me. A woman.</p> <p> Research into sex-role differences in movement patterns is still limited. Nancy Henley's new book, Body Politics: Sex, Power and Nonverbal Communication, <note>10. Nancy Henley, Body Politics (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1977).</note> provides a much-needed compilation and review of the research on male-female differences, and what this means in terms of status. Just the title implies the importance of body language in regard to social "position." In another study, Martha Davis, a clinical psychologist, points out that a number of aspects of non-verbal communication have both sex-role and status significance—"frequently confirming the expectation of lower status associated with female, higher status with male."<note>11. Martha Davis, "Nonverbal Dimensions of Sex and Status Differences (presented at American Anthropological Association Meetings, Nov. 1976).</note> Davis concludes her paper with a description of the pictures of man and woman sent into outer space on the Pioneer 10 spaceship: "The man stands upright, wide, ready to go into action. The woman stands with her weight shifted to one side, one knee slightly bent and inward, her attitude more passive, a role difference apparently considered important enough to propel beyond our solar system."</p> <p> My thanks to Jacqueline Morrison who took all the photos at Anna's workshop.</p> </div> </body> <back> <p> Sue Heinemann is an artist, critic and sometimes dancer living in New York.</p> </back> </text> </TEI>
Women's Traditional Architecture Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> <?xml-model href="https://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?> <?xml-model href="https://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="https://purl.oclc.org/dsdl/schematron"?> <?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/LEAF-VRE/code_snippets/refs/heads/main/CSS/leaf.css" title="LEAF" ?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>Women's Traditional Architecture</title> <author>Elizabeth Weatherford</author> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>Issue 2: Patterns of Communication and Space Among Women</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. 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Colin Turnbull, The Forest People (New York: Natural History\n\t\t\t\t\tLibrary, 1962), pp. 156-157." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131842931", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:18:42.931Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:18:45.124Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131842931#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131842931#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[5]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "2. Edward T. Hall, Beyond Culture (Garden City,\n\t\t\t\t\tN.Y.: Doubleday, 1976), Chap. 5, passim." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131848425", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:18:48.425Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:18:49.224Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131848425#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131848425#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[6]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "3. Patricia Draper,\n\t\t\t\t\t\"IKung Women,\" in Toward an Anthropology of Women, ed. Rayna Reiter (New York:\n\t\t\t\t\tMonthly Review Press, 1975), p. 94." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131854211", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:18:54.211Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:18:55.301Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131854211#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131854211#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[8]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "4. Turnbull, pp.\n\t\t\t\t\t59-60." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131901363", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:19:01.363Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:19:03.026Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131901363#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131901363#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/quote/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "5. J.G. Kohl, Kitchi-Gami: Wandering Round Lake Superior (London,\n\t\t\t\t\t1860), p. 4." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131913036", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:19:13.036Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:19:14.460Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131913036#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131913036#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/quote[2]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "6. Alice\n\t\t\t\t\tMarriott, The Trade Guild of Southern Cheyenne Women,\" Bulletin of Okla- homa\n\t\t\t\t\tAnthropological Society (April 1956), p. 24." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131918482", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:19:18.482Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:19:19.610Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131918482#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131918482#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/quote[3]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "7. Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya, Re- print of original 1938\n\t\t\t\t\tedition (New York: AMS Press, 1976), pp. 80-81." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131923106", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:19:23.106Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:19:24.315Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131923106#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131923106#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[20]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "8. Judith K. Brown, \"Iroquois Women: An Ethnographic\n\t\t\t\t\tNote, in Toward an Anthropology of Women, pp. 235-251" }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131928042", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:19:28.042Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:19:28.939Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131928042#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131928042#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[24]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "9. Pierre\n\t\t\t\t\tBourdieu, \"The Berber House, or the World Reversed,\" excerpted in Rules and\n\t\t\t\t\tMeanings, ed. Mary Douglas (Baltimore: Penguin, 1973), p. 100." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131933296", "type": "oa:Annotation", "dcterms:created": "2024-05-02T17:19:33.296Z", "dcterms:modified": "2024-05-02T17:19:34.089Z", "dcterms:creator": { "@id": "https://github.com/djakacki", "@type": [ "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "schema:Person" ], "cwrc:hasName": "Diane Jakacki" }, "oa:motivatedBy": "oa:describing", "oa:hasTarget": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131933296#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/djakacki/heresies/main/issue02/texts/weatherford.xml?note_annotation_20240502131933296#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[26]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "10. Two recently published books have begun the\n\t\t\t\t\tdocumentation of women in architecture: Doris Cole, From Tipi to Skyscraper: A\n\t\t\t\t\tHistory of Women in Architecture (Boston: press, 1973) and Susana Torre, ed.,\n\t\t\t\t\tWomen in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New\n\t\t\t\t\tYork: Wat- son-Guptill, 1977)." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf-writer.stage.lincsproject.ca", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData> </teiHeader> <text> <body> <div type="essay"> <pb n="35" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_035.jpg"/> <head>Women's Traditional Architecture</head> <byline>Elizabeth Weatherford</byline> <div> <p> Human culture has been viewed by history as the product of "mankind's" efforts. Most of the events and achievements chosen for posterity as significant have been dominated and determined by males. However, there are histories other than those of modern post-industrial nation/ states. In traditional societies, located in what is often called the Third World, women have played a crucial role in the formation of cultural features vital to human existence. One such area, not usually credited to women, is architecture. In traditional cultures, women are often the builders and owners of structures, providing shelter and creating the conditions for social interaction.</p> <p>Although I will use the "ethnographic present" in most of this article, many of the traditional non-state societies in North America and Africa on which I focus here no longer exist, or no longer exist in their original forms. Their structures differ vastly from those of modern states. Some of these societies are small bands of gatherers and hunters, some are semi-nomadic peoples who seasonally follow herds, and others pursue a form of farming called horticulture, where the local économy is self-sufficient and women are frequently the farmers.</p> <p>Initially victimized by colonization, virtually all those societies that remain are now undergoing "modernization.“ If we lose the histories of these cultures, we will also lose an important part of the history of women's roles in world culture, for in societies whose traditions remain intact, the roles women play are central to their cultures—not on the sidelines, where our culture seems to wish us to be. In light of this, contemporary feminists' identification and re-creation of "women's culture" can be seen not just as a protest against oppression, but as a recognition of the arbitrary denigration of the history of women's activities. The discovery that architecture is a traditional woman's art opens up the possibility for a new understanding of our role in the formation of human culture.</p> </div> <div> <head>Grass Houses</head> <p>Societies of gatherers and hunters lived in small bands, constantly moving within a relatively large territory from which they foraged for plants and animals. These groups, which include the (Kung of the Kalahari Desert in Namibia and the BaMbuti (Pygmies) of central Africa's Ituri Forest, bands in the Sahara Desert, Algonkian and Athabascan groups in North America, are intriguing in their social harmony and their knowledgeable, non-exploitative interaction with their environments. Women and men regard each other as equals. Among the BaMbuti, hunting is a joint effort, men care for babies and women enter public discussions.<ref n="1">1</ref></p> <p>In gathering societies women may provide up to eighty percent of the food and as an extension of their expertise in plants and fibers (with which they make nets), they are also the builders. The dwelling the women construct usually consists of a framework woven like an inverted loose basket, covered or thatched with available materials such as large leaves, bundles of grass or woven mats. These shelters share significant characteristics across cultures. They are flexible, often flooded with translucent light, and scented with the smoke of fires and fragrant floor coverings. They are round, ovoid or conical, with no edges or planes to interrupt the flow of space. Their size and shape maximizes physical and psychological contact among the dwellers. Anthropologists suggest that such human proximity is particularly conducive to intuitive and nonverbal communication, to the development of internalized cultural rhythms.<ref n="2">2</ref> In our Western cultures, such tacit synchrony is usually found only in mother-infant relationships, a vestige of what was once the nature of communication between both sexes and all ages.</p> <p>A freudian theorist might suggest that the organic nature of gatherers' dwellings is a cultural extension of the biophysical environment of the womb. But in fact, these shelters can be extremely open and unwomblike. They include unsheltered areas where the work of the household, such as plaiting mats and scraping skins, <pb n="36" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_036.jpg" /> takes place. The house life overflows into outdoor space, allowing the activities of its inhabitants to expand. Many gatherers dwellings are easily adaptable, and when not easily expanded (as in the hemispherical scherms of the !Kung) there is flexibility as to who inhabits them. Children do not have to sleep with their parents, and can either stay with their grandparents or make camp with other children of the same sex at either end of the settlement.<ref n="3">3</ref> Thus the gatherers' house is not a structure enforcing family isolation, but serves as a shelter of great social fluidity.</p> <p> In these mobile cultures land is not individually owned and no dwelling is permanent. Women possess the building know-how rather than the actual structures, which they may erect collectively. The building activity may be almost ritualized, as the "performer“ sets into motion a body of traditional knowledge shared with other women:</p> <p>Now she squatted down making her own home, driving the saplings into the ground with sharp thrusts, each time in exactly the same place, so that they went deeper and deeper. When she had completed a circle she stood up and deftly bent the fito over her head, twisting them together and twining smaller saplings across forming a lattice framework. Then she took the leaves we had collected and slit the stalks toward the end, like clothespins, hooking two or three of them together. When she had enough she started hanging them on the framework like tiles, overlapping each other and forming a waterproof covering. There were leaves left over when she had finished, so she let other women take them for their houses.<ref n="4">4</ref></p> <p>The dwelling in the gathering culture is the focal point of women's creative activities. Since it is usually constructed from materials that can be replaced from available natural sources, it also binds society to its natural environment.</p> </div> <div> <head>Desert Dwellings, Wigwams and Tipis</head> <p>Semi-nomadic peoples live some part of the year in relatively permanent camps when an adequate food supply is available — wild plants, such as the wild rice of the Great Lakes region, or those provided by temporary cultivation. Some semi-nomadic peoples follow herds of wild or domestic animals part of the year and spend the rest gathering and hunting, or trading. These societies are not sedentary because they or their animals must range for some proportion of their food and the basics for making material goods. Generally they inhabit arid desert lands or plains choked with grasses, where farming is difficult.</p> <p>The architecture of such semi-nomads grew out of forms developed within gathering societies. Certain structural features of the grass house remained essential. For semi-nomadic desert dwellers, such as the Pima and Papago of the American Southwest, the convenient raw materials for building might still be plant fibers, particularly where the women were highly skilled basketweavers and had developed ways of weaving fibers into other forms, such as cotton cloth or yucca-fiber sandals. Up until the twentieth century the Pima were dispersed in the winter and settlements were occupied only for a few months during a short growing season. The women built structures that mingled the style of mobile peoples with that of the ancient Southwest Pueblos. Their houses were grass but the interiors were slightly below ground. Sometimes earth was used to anchor the lower portion of the exterior wall, a feature which perhaps explains the evolution of the earth lodges built by the Navaho and by the Mandan further north.</p> <p>Another feature of grass houses is the tensile flexibility of the structure, which was later developed into the tent form. In the desert or plains it might be adjusted or even formed in relationship to wind patterns; the walls might be opened, or closed tightly, to adapt to the wide range of temperatures characteristic of these environments. The tent consists of a framework over which a tight covering is stretched; it may be low and rounded or tall and conical, but either shape, with its flexible covering, is perfectly adaptable. Tents also differ from grass houses in that the coverings, and sometimes the frames, are carried with the band as it moves. All the components of such tents, including those of the Tuareg, Algonkian wigwams and Plains tribes' tipis, are made by women — exterior and interior walls, floor coverings and frames. There is a traditional basic form, but the tent is by no means standardized. In each society wom-<pb n="37" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_037.jpg" />en have created subtle variations on the frame or the arrangement of tent flaps for ventilation. In the arid Atlas Mountains of North Africa, Tuareg women weave and embroider wool coverings for their tents. The frame has a number of possible shapes, demonstrating the interplay between individual choice and cultural tradition.</p> <p> Algonkian-speaking groups, originally inhabiting much of the Eastern United States, were pushed west to the Great Lakes region after the white invasion. They hunted, gathered, fished, collected maple sugar, gathered wild rice, and had gardens. Some, like the Kickapoo, constructed wigwams of frames covered by mats. Others, including the Ojibwa, constructed conical tents covered with thin sheets of birch bark sewed together with small roots until long enough to cover the sides. Ojibwa women cut the poles for the frames and made colorful mats from reeds to cover the walls, and to serve as carpets, beds and sofas. Softening, bleaching and dyeing these reeds was a complicated process. The completed mats were carried from site to site. Early white observers were greatly impressed with the women's strength, as shown by this comment from 1855:</p> <quote>It may be easily supposed that these squaws, owing to their performing all the work of joiners, carpenters and masons have blistered hands. In fact, their hands are much harder to the touch than those of the men; and indeed their entire muscular system is far more developed and they are proportionately stronger in the arm.<ref n="5">5</ref></quote> <p>Similarly, the tipi-builders of the Great Plains were responsible for all aspects of the construction of their dwellings. They developed one of the most striking forms in women's vernacular architecture. The Plains societies were mobile; they moved from winter hunting camps to large summer ceremonial villages and the women carried not only the skin coverings and interior liners, but the poles with which the tipi was erected as well. These were hard to find on the Plains, and made a useful sled (travois) for carrying household property and people over long distances.</p> <p>When more permanent materials were used for making dwellings, women often cooperated in their manufacture. In making an ordinary tipi, the owner scraped and tanned the hides from which the cover would be made, frequently using treasured tools which she had inherited from the women of her family. Then a female specialist was called in to cut and fit the skins, and neighbors gathered to but the traditional sacred designs and high standards of work are still rigorously adhered to.</p> <p>The Quillers' Society met when a woman of the community had vowed to undertake a project. An older woman held the society's medicine bundle, filled with objects of spiritual power, and with the vower, performed the rituals necessary for the work to begin and end. She would instruct the younger woman in needlework and the society's ceremonies; then the entire group started work together. Afterwards the woman who had vowed the task continued alone, although she could consult with society members whenever a problem arose.</p> <p>Men and children were not allowed to touch or see the work until it was completed, when members of the society displayed the piece to the public. Following a feast, the women whose work was on view became a member of the society, one of the most respected institutions of her world. Among the Cheyenne a woman's achievements in decorative craft were valued as highly as a man's deeds in war. Moreover, the Quillers' Society:</p> <quote>...was spoken of as being similar in help stitch them together with sinew. Making a tipi could also fulfill a sacred function. Plains women formed special associations, notably the Cheyenne Quillers' Society, for the ceremonial decoration of tipis and their interior walls with dyed porcupine or bird quills. More recently these tipis have been made from canvas and decorated with glass beads, conception and attitudes to the Sacred Arrows [most sacred Cheyenne men's society), one very important difference in behavior may be noted. During the four-day arrow ceremony no talking, joking, or laughing was allowed in camp. The making of the sacred beading was attended by a good deal of joking, teasing, and fun. While the cere- <pb n="38" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_038.jpg" /> monial character of the work was recognized, it interfered in no way with the social pleasure of the occasion.<ref n="6">6</ref></quote> </div> <div> <head>Female Farmers</head> <p>When societies obtain their food predominantly from horticulture, it is practical for the people to settle in more permanent villages close to their fields. Jobs are traditionally assigned to one sex or an other. Sometimes men and women cultivate different crops and even speak differ- ent languages.</p> <p>Even space within the village might alsco be divided along sex lines, and the architecture reflects and affects sex-specialized tasks. Women generally dominate culti- vation but building tasks are specified and divided according to sex. In much of Africa the characteristic building form is round, with a gabled and thatched roof and walls made of wattle and daub. Each component is made separately by men or women. Male and female tasks vary from society to society. Among the Kikuyu of Kenya, men construct the walls and women the roof. After the men finish their work, they go to the feast celebrating the house building. They goad the women, calling them "slow chameleons“ who will miss the feast if they don't hurry. The women, who are working on the thatching, typically respond in chorus:</p> <quote>You men, you lack the most important art in building, namely thatching. A wall and an empty roof cannot protect you from heavy rain nor from the burning sun. It is our careful thatching that makes the hut worth living. We are not chameleons but nyoni ya nyagathanga small songbirds known for their beautiful nests).<ref n="7">7</ref></quote> <p>Separation of the sexes does not necessarily serve as a foundation for male domination. Cultural practices that encourage one sex to feel communal solidarity and to express itself in opposition to the other seem to yield much autonomy to both men and women as groups, indicated by the development of separate economic, social or ritual spheres outside of the activities that demand the involvement of both sexes. The position of women is particularly strong in matrilineal societies, where they are leaders of clans and owners of the fields, of harvest, food storage and dwellings. The longhouse of the Iroquois-speaking tribes of North America, built until the mid-nineteenth century, was controlled by women, and was a remarkable example of communal living. The longhouse served as the center of Iroquois social life. Ritual performances took place there and it was both dwelling and workplace for the many families of the clan to whom it belonged. By controlling the longhouse and the food stores, women played a vital part in the political affairs of the tribes.<ref n="8">8</ref> Through manipulation of supplies they could encourage or prevent war parties. The senior women, who controlled the longhouse, also played an important role in social policy decisions. They appointed spokesmen for the clan in village and tribal councils, and they could also "remove the horns," that is, remove those spokesmen from office if they did not do their job according to the women's interests. The longhouse stood as a symbol of the society at large; the confederation of the Iroquois tribes recognized the significance of this woman-owned institution by naming themselves The League of the Longhouse.</p> <p>There are few matrilineal cultivating societies remaining in the world. One of their striking characteristics was that they were subsistence societies — that is, no wealth was accumulated from year to year. Although the source of food and the type of settlement differed, they shared this feature with the gathering peoples mentioned earlier. The change from subsistence society to one in which it is possible to accumulate wealth frequently comes with the addition of livestock or herd animals to horticultural life. Such a change in process was observed in the early nineteenth century among the Mandan, a cultivating society living on the North American Plains. Basically, the Mandan lived two life styles. The matrilineal one dominated the life of the vilage, where women were the farmers and owned and built the houses; the second was patrilineal, occurring during the sum- mer months, when some of the women tended the fields, while most of the men and a few women went into the Plains to hunt buffalo. This resulted in an important division of economic tasks and calendars —the women living by an older agricultural calendar, and the men by the seasonal migration of the buffalo herds.</p> <p>In the Mandan village, the lodges the women constructed were admirably suited to the climate of the Great Plains. They may have originated as structures like those of the Pima. Walls of willow saplings and brush and a final layer of earth were erected over a wooden frame. The walls were built quite thick and the lodges were cool in summer and warm in winter. Quite possibly these were the prototypes for the sod houses built by pioneers settling in the Plains in the nineteenth century. </p> <pb n="39" facs="https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-02/heresies02_039.jpg"/> <p> If the Mandan had survived the epidemic of smallpox which destroyed the tribe in 1840, it is possible that they would have become patrilineal, giving up cultivation altogether to pursue the buffalo as other Plains tribes did. In patrilineal societies, as we have seen with the Cheyenne, the woman's position is secure when she continues to control important cultural or economic features. Frequently these two spheres are connected, as in societies where women have a specialized architecture for their own activities. The Igbo society in Nigeria is patrilineal, but with the exception of the yam, all produce is considered women's property; they sell anything left over from feeding their families, becoming successful traders. A century ago when this marketing activity was increasing, the women also began to construct ritual sanctuaries in groves outside the villages. Called mbayo houses, these were maintained by a cult of the earth goddess Ala, and were decorated with male and female symbols and erotic figures.</p> <p>In patrilineal societies women may have certain economic powers; if so, they usually own their own houses within the compounds of their husbands' families. But when men control agriculture and herding, or have access to a modern cash market, the domicile and all public buildings fall totally under male control. Men erect the structures; if they are dwellings, women may decorate the walls. In Mediterranean villages in Spain, Greece and the Balkans, and in Islamic villages of the Near East and Africa, woman is associated with the domicile as its caretaker, not as its owner. The isolation of women in the home is, of course, a function of wealth. In poorer cultures the woman may be forced to work for the family's survival, but in most places, she is supposed to remain in the home. In Spain, she decorates her house with whitewash as a symbol of purity —both of the domicile and of its keeper. When a woman's life is relegated to the private sphere of society, her significance in the culture appears merely symbolic. She is a possession to be protected. In Berber villages, she weaves inside her husband's house; the loom is not considered her tool, but a symbol of male protection. Sitting behind it, she is shielded from the door and from the street life that lies beyond it.<ref n="9">9</ref> Thus women are isolated from the world of confrontation, conversation and public interaction.</p> <p>With the advent of industrialism and the wage economy in any society, separation of home life from public work becomes firmly entrenched. The many roles of women are reduced to motherhood and housekeeping. The number of craftswomen, artists, businesswomen and builders decrease. Separation of home from business premises makes it more difficult for women to share in a work world dominated by men. Machine-made products limit the type of paid work that can be done in the household. Control over the design and construction of buildings passes into the hands of "professionals. Women's creativity is confined to planning interiors and obtaining or making interior decorations according to mass-produced guides like women's magazines.</p> <p>Ironically, this vestige of woman's importance as architect and builder is used against her when psychology and popular belief insist that women are by nature' oriented to interiors, and interiors alone. The home, as the exclusive province of women, has become a significant cultural image on many levels — almost an archetypal reflection of the privatization of women's lives and the resulting obsession with house/home. So now we paint, write, sculpt our houses; so far, too few of us are creating architecture.<ref n="10">10</ref> In learning more about the options available to women in other cultures, we become more conscious of our own untapped potential.</p> </div> </div> </body> <back> <head>Notes:</head> <listBibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/252882">1. Colin Turnbull, The Forest People (New York: Natural History Library, 1962), pp. 156-157.</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/1818029">2. Edward T. Hall, Beyond Culture (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1976), Chap. 5, passim.</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/995103118">3. Patricia Draper, "IKung Women," in Toward an Anthropology of Women, ed. Rayna Reiter (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975), p. 94.</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/252882">4. Turnbull, pp. 59-60.</bibl> <bibl resp="HathiTrust" ref="https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000560270">5. J.G. Kohl, Kitchi-Gami: Wandering Round Lake Superior (London, 1860), p. 4.</bibl> <bibl>6. Alice Marriott, "The Trade Guild of Southern Cheyenne Women," Bulletin of Oklahoma Anthropological Society (April 1956), p. 24.</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/18400546">7. Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya, Reprint of original 1938 edition (New York: AMS Press, 1976), pp. 80-81.</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/1501926">8. Judith K. Brown, "Iroquois Women: An Ethnographic Note," in Toward an Anthropology of Women, pp. 235-251</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/852158789">9. Pierre Bourdieu, "The Berber House, or the World Reversed," excerpted in Rules and Meanings, ed. Mary Douglas (Baltimore: Penguin, 1973), p. 100.</bibl> <bibl resp="OCLC" ref="https://search.worldcat.org/title/803833">10. Two recently published books have begun the documentation of women in architecture: Doris Cole, From Tipi to Skyscraper: A History of Women in Architecture (Boston: press, 1973) and Susana Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York: Wat- son-Guptill, 1977).</bibl> </listBibl> <div><p>A native of Tennessee, Elizabeth Weatherford is an anthropologist on the faculty of the School of Visual Arts.</p></div> </back> </text> </TEI>
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{ "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/mujer_peruana_0_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20230423150227068#Target", "@type": "oa:SpecificResource", "oa:hasSource": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/mujer_peruana_0_0_0_0.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/mujer_peruana_0_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20230423150227068#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:Note", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "Excerpts (slightly rearranged) from the booklet of this name distributed by\n\t\t\t\t\"Accion para la Liberacion de la Mujer Peruana,\" April 15, 1975, Lima, Peru. This\n\t\t\t\ttext was taken from the first half of the booklet; the second half deals with a\n\t\t\t\tspecific program for practical revolutionary work. The following are listed as the\n\t\t\t\tgroup's coordinators and \"honorary members“: \n\t\t\t\tCristina Portocarrero Rey, Ana María Portugal, Amor Arguedas, Dorelly Castañeda, Beatriz Ramos, Lucía\n\t\t\t\t\tParra, Margot Loayza, Edith\n\t\t\t\t\tAlva, Carmela Bravo, Dora\n\t\t\t\t\tPonce, Flor Herrera, Leo\n\t\t\t\t\tArteaga,\n\t\t\t\tDiana Arteaga, Dora Guerrero,\n\t\t\t\t\tBertha Vargas, Inés Pratt,\n\t\t\t\t\tAdela Montesinos, Estela Luna\n\t\t\t\tLópez." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": 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"https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/mujer_peruana_0_0_0_0.xml?person_annotation_20250424164704044#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div/note/persName[2]" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "@id": "http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q131681187", "dc:format": "text/plain" }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData></teiHeader> <text> <body> <pb cert="high" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_101.jpg" generatedBy="human" xml:space="default" n="99"/> <div><head><title>Who Are We? What Do We Want? What Do We Do?</title></head> <note>Excerpts (slightly rearranged) from the booklet of this name distributed by "Accion para la Liberacion de la Mujer Peruana," April 15, 1975, Lima, Peru. This text was taken from the first half of the booklet; the second half deals with a specific program for practical revolutionary work. The following are listed as the group's coordinators and "honorary members“: <persName>Cristina Portocarrero Rey</persName>, <persName key="Ana María Portugal" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q131681187">Ana María Portugal</persName>, <persName>Amor Arguedas</persName>, <persName>Dorelly Castañeda</persName>, <persName>Beatriz Ramos</persName>, <persName>Lucía Parra</persName>, <persName>Margot Loayza</persName>, <persName>Edith Alva</persName>, <persName>Carmela Bravo</persName>, <persName>Dora Ponce</persName>, <persName>Flor Herrera</persName>, <persName>Leo Arteaga,</persName> <persName>Diana Arteaga</persName>, <persName>Dora Guerrero</persName>, <persName>Bertha Vargas</persName>, <persName>Inés Pratt</persName>, <persName>Adela Montesinos</persName>, <persName key="Estela Luna López" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q107596196">Estela Luna López</persName>.</note> <byline>Accion para la Liberacion de la Mujer Peruana</byline></div> <div><p> We are a group of women who have organized to study, work and fight for our liberation, and especially to work with and for our sisters who suffer a double oppression: in being women and in belonging to a social sector which has been historically dominated and exploited. </p> <lg> <l>The struggle of women is integrally bound to the struggle of working-class women.</l> <l>No! to Mother's Day.</l> <l>Yes! to Peruvian Woman's Day.</l> <l>Less homage, more rights.</l> </lg> <p> Why are we named Action for the Liberation of Peruvian Women?</p> <p>Because we want to carry out our work without euphemisms or timidity—in short, without masks or half-measures. It is correct to call actions which are destined to radically change our condition by their rightful name: liberation.</p> <p>Ours is simultaneously a study-group and an action-group. We are by no means a political party. We do not aspire to be an institution with traditional hierarchic structure. We reject verticalism, dogmatism and leadership positions. Ideologically, we align ourselves within free Humanist Socialism and adopt the best of its tenets conducive to female emancipation. </p> <lg> <l>Without national liberation, there can be no women's liberation. Fight!</l> <l>Only reactionary men are our enemies!</l> <l>Sisters, Unite with us!</l> <l>Liberation is action!</l> </lg> <p> Because we cannot separate our specific problems from our socio-economic context, all our work strategies are adapted to the actual conditions of our country. We do not copy foreign movements because we are aware of living in a Third-World Society where imperialism is our most powerful enemy. Therefore we express solidarity with other liberation struggles on this continent, as well as with other women and men fighting for national liberation in their respective countries.</p><p/><p/><p/><p/><p>To analyze the historic and social origins of our condition is to revolutionize our understanding of the world!</p> <p> We believe our liberation is inseparable from that of other oppressed groups—workers and peasants. The liberation of our brothers will never be realized while their women—workers and peasants too—are second-class citizens, and while prostitution is seen as a "necessary and insuperable evil."</p> <p>Consequently we do not believe in individual liberation. The fact that some of our sisters are being promoted to important public positions or are gaining access to professional and technical careers in increasingly greater numbers has nothing to do with liberation. We believe that only structural change will produce real "women's liberation."</p> <p>So our position, our actions, are aimed at contributing to the process of transformation taking place in our country, at helping it strengthen and advance without obstacles. We support this Revolution because it is anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic, and because it makes possible our own liberation.</p> <p>What do we call Cultural Revolution?</p> <p>The process by which the old system is entirely questioned and revised: its values, behavior, habits, customs, institutions and forms of communication. A Cultural Revolution must reject all individualism, engendering a collective way of life harmonious with group ideals, while resistant to group egoism. A Cultural Revolution must combat stereotypical attitudes like "maleism" (<emph>machismo</emph>) and "femaleism" (<emph>hembrismo</emph>)—brute maleness and coy femaleness. A Cultural Revolution must change patriarchal institutions like bourgeois marriage and the nuclear family—two characteristic expressions of capitalism and the division of labor. Finally, a Cultural Revolution's ultimate goal must be to <emph>change life</emph>, to culminate in a free and humane socialism. </p> <lg> <l>Wanting to shape your own destiny is wanting to transform injustice.</l> <l>Wanting to transform injustice is being political.</l> </lg> <p> What do we want to be liberated from? From the social, economic, political, cultural and moral conditions imposed by a patriarchal capitalist society which assigns us secondary roles, condemning us to live as marginal beings passively supporting and "servicing" men.</p> <p>From reformist paternalism which perpetually treats us as legal minors, because it reduces <pb cert="high" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_102.jpg" generatedBy="human" xml:space="default" n="100"/> everything to the creation or amplification of protectionary laws that are pretexts to mask our real situation of dependence on men and second-class citizenship.</p> <p>From all kinds of ideological pressure, expressed in the terror most of us feel about joining feminist organizations, under the assumption that if we do so, we must be "against men." From the fear of being ridiculed or insulted as "tomboys," "whores," or "dykes."</p> <p> Statistics affirm that few women are workers.</p> <p>Out of the home and onto the production lines! Working women also carry the burden of the home!</p> <p>Communal eating-places, day-care centers and laundries—to create new jobs and lessen the load of unpaid workers in the home.</p> <p>Being a mother and being fulfilled shouldn't be a contradiction.</p> <p>We want family planning in hospitals, accessible to everyone.</p> <p> Against whom must we struggle?</p> <p>Against the Patriarchal-Capitalist System which determines an unjust society, fostering exploitation, abuse, discrimination, hunger, wars and massacres; a system which transforms woman into a beast of burden (if she is proletarian), or into a luxury sex-object (if she is bourgeois). Capitalism has also reviled love, reducing male-female relationships to economic factors or to mere social appearances. It is a system in which children are the responsibility of individual couples and, in actual practice, of the women alone.</p> <p>Against all sexist ideology which gains by reinforcing our situation as "different" and which is expressed in the cult of "femininity"—sweetness, weakness, virginity and motherhood as woman's only aim and destiny.</p> <p>And finally, against all threats to the liberation front whose ultimate goal is the <emph>Monolithic Unity of Revolutionary Women</emph>, and of those men who integrally support the cause of our liberation.</p></div> </body> </text> </TEI>
What is Left? 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}]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": "http://schema.org/", "xsd": "http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#", "fabio": "https://purl.org/spar/fabio#", "bf": "http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#", "cito": "https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#", "org": "http://www.w3.org/ns/org#" }, "id": 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"oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "@id": "http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q467961", "dc:format": "text/plain" }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.5.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData></teiHeader> <text> <body> <pb n="101"/> <head><title>WHAT IS LEFT?</title></head> <byline><persName><persName key="Assata Shakur" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q467961">Assata Shakur</persName></persName></byline> <lg> <l>AFTER THE BARS AND THE GATES AND THE DEGRADATION</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>AFTER THE LOCK INS AND THE LOCK OUTS AND THE LOCK UPS</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I MEAN, AFTER THE CHAINS THAT GET ENTANGLED IN THE GREY OF ONE'S MATTER</l> <l>AFTER THE BARS THAT GET STUCK IN THE HEARTS OF MEN AND WOMEN</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>AFTER THE TEARS AND DISAPPOINTMENTS</l> <l>AFTER THE LONELY ISOLATION</l> <l>AFTER THE CUT WRIST AND THE HEAVY NOOSE</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I MEAN, LIKE, AFTER THE COMMISSARY KISSES</l> <l>AND THE GET-YOUR-SHIT-OFF-BLUES</l> <l>AFTER THE HUSTLER HAS BEEN HUSTLED</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>AFTER THE SAD FUTILE MANEUVERS</l> <l>AFTER THE SHRILL AND BARREN LAUGHTER</l> <l>AFTER THE CONTRABAND EMOTIONS</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>AFTER THE MURDERBURGERS AND THE COON SQUADS AND THE TEAR CAS</l> <l>AFTER THE BULLS AND THE BULLPENS AND THE BULLSHIT</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I MEAN LIKE, AFTER YOU KNOW THAT GOD CANT BE TRUSTED</l> <l>AFTER YOU KNOW THAT THE SHRINK IS A PUSHER</l> <l>THAT THE WORD IS A WHIP, AND THE BADGE IS A BULLET</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>AFTER YOU KNOW THAT THE DEAD ARE STILL WALKING</l> <l>AFTER YOU REALIZE THAT SILENCE IS TALKING</l> <l>THAT OUTSIDE AND INSIDE ARE JUST AN ILLUSION</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I MEAN, LIKE, WHERE IS THE SUN?</l> <l>WHERE ARE HER ARMS AND WHERE ARE HER KISSES?</l> <l>THERE ARE LIP PRINTS ON MY PILLOW</l> <l>I AM SEARCHING</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I MEAN, LIKE, NOTHING IS STANDSTILL AND NOTHING IS ABSTRACT</l> <l>THE WING OF A BUTTERFLY CANT TAKE FLIGHT</l> <l>THE FOOT ON MY NECK IS A PART OF A BODY</l> <l>THE SONG THAT I SING IS A PART OF AN ECHO</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I MEAN, LIKE, LOVE IS SPECIFIC</l> <l>IS MY MIND A MACHINE GUN?</l> <l>IS MY HEART A HACKSAW?</l> <l>CAN I MAKE FREEDOM REAL? YEAH,</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> <l>I AM AT THE TOP AND BOTTOM OF A LOWER-ARCHY</l> <l>I AM IN LOVE WITH LOSERS AND LAUGHTER</l> <l>I AM IN LOVE WITH FREEDOM AND CHILDREN</l> <l>LOVE IS MY SWORD AND TRUTH IS MY COMPASS</l> <l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l> </lg> </body> <back> <p><persName key="Assata Shakur" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q467961">Assata Shakur</persName>/<persName key="Assata Shakur" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q467961">Joanne Chesimard</persName>; courtesy of Assata Shakur Defense Committee.</p> </back> </text> </TEI>
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Paris-based collective consisting of <persName key="Martine Aballéa" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q25873672">Martine Aballea</persName>, <persName key="Judy Blum Reddy" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q108526436">Judy Blum</persName>, <persName key="Croiset, Nicole 1950-...." ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/229710280">Nicole Croiset</persName>, <persName>Mimi</persName>, and <persName key="Nil Yalter" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q19502275">Nil Yalter</persName>, who include among their skills video, painting, sculpture, drawing, and poetry; and among their nationalities French, Turkish, Canadian, American. This work on La Roquette began when Judy and Mimi met through their children at a day-care center. Judy mentioned her collaboration with Nil on the theme of living conditions in each of Paris' 20 arrondissements, for which the prison had been suggested to represent the 11th administrative arrondissement. Mimi, it turned out, had been detained there, and she offered an elaboration of her experiences. Martine, whose writing is based on her own memories and dreams, also joined the project, while Nil offered her use of video to universalize the narrative elements, in collaboration with Nicole, who concentrated on the esthetic/sociological aspects of the research. The result is a visual representation of the prison and of the personal experiences of many women, centered around the group's increasing consciousness of the meaning of Mimi's story: "Bonds of friendship, constantly confirmed, played the most cohesive role on the level of the work itself, resulting in the combination of apparently disparate means connected to each other by mutual understanding within the group." The following narrative accompanies a videotape from which most of the images are taken.</p> <p>The other women were mostly in the prison for bad checks, prostitution, or, like me, for robbery. There were also some murderers; I knew one in my workshop. Another had been accused of stealing a painting. The first days we asked each other, but afterwards we didn’t really say "What are you doing here?" except to our best friends. </p> <p> These women came from all classes. In general, relations between inmates were pretty good. There were a lot of lesbians; the nuns' attitudes toward them was to turn a blind eye. They couldn't not have known about it. The girls hid it a little—and even a lot—but it was too obvious. As for me, I was not a lesbian, but I nevertheless flirted here and there to pass the time. It could have certain advantages: when you didn't have any money, your friends could buy things at the canteen for you. Or, at one time, I went out with an English girl who was the favorite of a nun who didn't like me, and from that day on, that nun was very nice to me, and I got certain favors I shouldn't have had. </p> <p> But still there were lots of fights, sometimes for no reason at all, just because the girls felt like fighting. Sometimes it was a question of class. Some girls felt superior to others: it wasn't a question of money, but of intellect. So sometimes one girl would insult another, or feel insulted, and there would be a fight. We were a whole gang; some had to be in charge. And if you knew how to fight, you were respected. There was nothing you could do about it.</p> <p> Sometimes fights started over cigarettes. For example, I got into a fight with a girl over that. Every Wednesday we had the right to buy four packs of cigarettes at the canteen. This girl didn't smoke, so, with my money, I had bought her something she needed, and she, with her money, was going to buy me four more packs, which would have made eight for the week. She bought me the cigarettes, but another girl told her to give them to her. She was very weak and she didn't dare refuse. That night I waited for her in her cell and I beat her up. The week after that she bought me cigarettes, and she didn't even ask me for money. Afterwards—it's stupid, she was a coward—she would pick up butts in the yard for me, when I really didn't expect that from her. When the other girls saw that, they all turned against her. When I saw that, I stood up for her, because I don't like to take sides. I'd hit her a little, but I didn't have a grudge against her.</p> <p> Another time there was a fight in the mess hall, in front of the nun. There was blood on the floor: one girl had had a nosebleed, and the other had been hurt elsewhere. I was drawing; with my finger I picked up some drops of blood and put them on my drawing. </p> <p> But there was also a feeling of solidarity among the inmates. One time, for example, a girl had been punished and locked up in the mess hall toilets. I didn't know what she had done, I don't even know if she had really done anything; in any case it was totally unjust to lock her up like that. So, with my friend, I climbed onto the ledge over the mess hall door and we said that we would stay there until they let this girl out. Normally we should have done two weeks in the cooler for that, but we didn't get anything. We would have done it anyway because it was unjust.</p> <p>Or one day a girl gave me a little piece of candle about two inches long. We were forbidden to have candles, but there were a lot of things like that that went around the prison. I don't know how she got it; that was the sort of question you didn’t ask. She gave it to me because she knew that I liked to read.</p> <p>We also managed to pass notes from cell to cell by what we called the "yoyo" system. You tied the note to a piece of string and you put it through the window. We did that for certain girls who were in the cooler when we were in the yard. We would send them a note <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_040.jpg" n="38"/> from their best friends or something like that.</p> <p>As for the nuns, apart from some who were especially mean, they were mostly indifferent. But they had, of course, their favorites. It was a question of personality: they liked the docile inmates. In the beginning they didn't like me because I was stubborn and rude to them. Afterwards, I sometimes behaved better. But in any case, being with the English girl, I could do things that were forbidden and not get punished. Sometimes, for example, I would go into the yard to pick up butts that the richer girls had left; we weren't allowed to do that other than at recess. Or I tried doing all kinds of things so I could go to the cooler, because l had a friend who sang in church and in the cooler there was a lot of echo. But despite all I did I never got sent, while some girls did nothing at all and got sent right away.</p> <p>Down in the cooler you were isolated from everybody. You got no mail or visits. You never left your cell, except once a day when you had a walk, alone, in the yard. You only had one meal a day which was brought to you in your cell.</p> <p>Generally speaking, it took a certain amount of time to make friends. I didn't have this problem because there were already two people there whom I knew when I arrived. But for the others who had no soap, no handkerchiefs (the prison gave you nothing, not even sanitary napkins; all they gave me when I came in was a rag to wash myself with), if they weren't resourceful, if they didn't get some friends to help them, they couldn't make it. You had to work about ten days before having enough money to buy things at the canteen.</p> <p>The money that you made working, making key rings, was only just enough to buy cigarettes. You were paid 80 centimes (15 cents) for one hundred key rings, about a day's work. Those who worked really fast managed to make two hundred. I started working the second day after my arrival, but I lost the tool I had been given. I got yelled at by the nun, and I saw that it was badly paid, so I stopped. Instead, I spent my days reading. I could do this because I was not sentenced yet, while those who were had to work. The catalogue from the library was passed in the workshop and we had the right to two books a week; I would ask some girls who didn't read to order some for me. I read everything—<persName key="Pearl S. Buck" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q80900">Pearl Buck</persName>, books on explorations. I also spent a lot of time drawing, and sometimes I would go out. My seat was at the end of the workshop, near the door, so it was easy for me to go out in the yard when the nun wasn't looking.</p> <p>The money that you had on you on entering the prison was kept; you could only use it in the canteen. Some inmates received money orders; many of them, actually, got money. As for me, my brother <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_041.jpg" n="39"/>sent me a hundred francs (20 dollars) and a little money that I had left in a book at my mother's. But for those who had no money at all, the only way to get any was to work.</p> <p>At the canteen you could buy pencils, letter paper, envelopes, toilet articles, or wool. Some knitted; it was winter and it was necessary if you didn't have any clothes. You could also buy french fries, puddings and prepared dishes that you could have on Sundays. We couldn't have newspapers, but we could buy magazines like <title key="Jours de France" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3187102"><emph>Jours de France</emph></title>.</p> <p>About these magazines—we bought them for the recipes that were in them. Often there were pictures with the recipe, so we would tear them from the magazine and eat them. For example, if you liked salad, you would eat pictures of salad. We also ate pictures of chicken, cakes, or things like that.</p> <p>At the meals we got mostly starchy food—potatoes, beans, or cauliflower; there was also bread. They gave us meat, but it was very tough. In fact we couldn't cut it with the blunt children's knives that we bought at the canteen. We ate it with our hands, tearing it with our teeth. At the end of the meal—which had been served by inmates—we did our own dishes. We had brought our bowls and our cutlery to the mess hall in the cardboard boxes that we took everywhere with us, and we went in little groups to wash them with cold water. To wipe them, l used the rag they had given me when I came in...</p> <p>About twice a week we could bring back up to the cells the rice pudding we had had for dessert at supper. I loved this and often exchanged two cigarettes for a bowl. We went up two by two, and silently. If we talked, the nun made us stop until we were silent again. Between the time we went up and the time we went to bed there was about half an hour, when we had the right to stay near the stove and toast pieces of bread. We talked, or we sang; I had a friend who sang very well, and we gathered around her. She sang some of <persName>Adamo</persName>'s songs, but also some she had written herself, like one about the nuns to the tune of <title key="De profundis morpionibus" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3020467"><emph>Morpionibus</emph></title>. She also sang in church; she had spent years in a religious boarding school and she knew the whole mass in Latin...It was forbidden to sing in the cells once the doors were closed, but we did it anyway. We all sang together. The nuns couldn't put us all in the cooler; they contented themselves with yelling into the void.</p> <p>On our beds we had the right to three blankets—and no more—and two sheets. In summer it might be enough, but in December I found another blanket when one of the girls in my cell left, but it was <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_042.jpg" n="40"/>taken away in a search. The heat was provided by a stove in the hall; there was one stove for forty cells. One girl in my cell had accumulated several cardboard boxes; for a while she used them as storage space. Then one night when all the doors had been locked and the lights turned out, she set fire to her boxes to get warm. A nun realized this and came to ask what was going on. We both pretended to sleep, but in the end I lifted my head and told the nun that I didn't know anything, that I hadn't seen anything, and that I couldn't tell her anything else.</p> <p>It wouldn't stick: I was all alone with the other girl and I was saying that I hadn't seen anything. The next day the girl I was friends with said that I couldn't have done it. She knew me and she knew that I didn't have bizarre ideas like that. The other girl did two weeks in the cooler, but I could have gone too because I hadn't said anything....</p> <p>Every week there was a shower session. It was in cubicles that didn't close, and there were three of us in each cubicle. The water ran sometimes too hot, sometimes too cold. When it stopped, everyone had to be through, and even if your head was full of soap, there was nothing you could do about it. You had to find a way to rinse yourself with cold water afterwards; sometimes when you finally got a chance to do it, your head was already half dry.</p> <p>As for clothes, pants were forbidden. Men were banished from our environment and the nuns would say "Stop wriggling!" when we saw workers from Fresnes (men's prison). We weren't supposed to look at them. We had to wear dresses or skirts. When I arrived, I was wearing pants, so to replace it they gave me a burlap dress. In the beginning I didn't have any other clothes; I wore it night and day. I couldn't wash it and until I got other clothes, my dress stayed dirty....One girl had made herself a skirt from a blanket, so she went to the cooler. It was a beautiful skirt and it was a long time before they realized what she had done. I don't know where she found the needle and thread; they were among the things that circulated....The sheets and rags which had been given to us were washed in the linen room. The linen maids, like those who served the meals, were inmates who had been there a long time and who had won the trust of the nuns. The sheets were changed about once a month; it was far from ideal when there were lice.</p> <p>During my stay there was an epidemic of lice. The nuns told us to go to the kitchen and ask for vinegar, and we put it on our heads. When it was dry we put on some powder, and then a scarf; we stayed like that for three days. If you had lice it was considered bad and no one approached you any more. One of the nuns made fun of me; she said, "If you washed every day..." or something like that. I told her that she had surely had them before me. It was the first time in my life that I had them, so....</p> <p>The cells were searched pretty often, sometimes when we were there, but mostly during the day when we were in the workshop. The nuns looked for knives and candles we had gotten by exchange, or other things we weren't allowed to have. They also looked for mail between inmates; we had the right to write letters to each other, but not love letters. Once one of the nuns—a young one who must have been under thirty—wrote to one of my friends. She told her that she liked her and that she would like to have a closer relationship with her. The letter was found and the nun in question was expelled. This sort of thing happened from time to time.</p> <p>Everything we received from the outside was also searched. We received our packages all cut up and opened. All our letters were read, those that we got as well as those we sent. Some had practically nothing in them, but they couldn't go through because they were too long. People wrote to us with the smallest writing possible because one page, written very small, went through, but 2 pages, written in large letters, didn't. As for the letters that we wrote, everything concerning prison life, the nuns, or what we ate, was censored. We could talk about the books we had read, and a minimum about what we did, but that was all. In general, what went through or not depended on the person who read the mail. Some letters that shouldn't have gone through went anyway, and vice versa.</p> <p>We were also searched when we left the prison. You couldn't take out anything that might be a souvenir. One of my friends, for example, had made a drawing of a little girl taking water in her hand to offer a doe; they didn't let her take her drawing out. In these searches you couldn't really hide anything, and what was least likely to be found was what wasn't hidden. In the end they looked more often into the girls' vaginas to see if they had hidden letters than in the luggage. As for me, I had certain drawings and papers which normally I wouldn't have been allowed to take out. I just left them with my things and they weren't even seen.</p> <p>It was on the eve of my departure that they told me that I was coming out. Until then I had no idea how long they were going to keep me. I could have gone out on probation before, but only on condition that they tell my mother. I preferred that they didn’t. Once out, I didn’t have the right to write to my inmate friends who stayed. </p><p>Sundays were different from other days. In the morning, some went to church and the others stayed locked up in their cells, but we could go into our friends' cells. Afterwards we did the cleaning up.</p> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_043.jpg" n="41"/> <p>That day we didn't work, and we could sit where we liked in the workshop-mess hall. The nuns put the radio on, but they turned it off as soon as the news came on. They didn't let us know what was going on in the outside world. To pass the time we played games. For instance, we played truth games. We asked questions about incidents that had happened a few days before and about which we hadn't managed to find out the truth. The girls were generally honest; you couldn't lie in that game, otherwise you didn't play. But the biggest pastime was cards—Tarot, Belote. Some of them were played with real cards that some girls had managed to smuggle in. The others had been made with empty packs of Gitanes on which we had drawn.</p> <p>Some girls tattooed themselves. They would take ink from ball point pens and mix it with cigarette ash. This way they managed to make an ink which was pretty indelible—blue-black. Then they took two needles, one projecting in front of the other, and put a drop of ink between them. Then, with the projecting needle they made the drop slip into the hole. This made a point; they made as many points as they wanted. They made snakes, hearts, names, but mostly just three points, which means "Death to the Pigs," or five points "Alone Between Four Walls." It was the emblem of prison.</p> <p>We wrote all over ourselves with pens, and there were ways of making up your face. With ashes from the stove in the hall and water we could make mascara. There were black felt pens that we could use as eyeliner, but it was hard to take off and we usually did it with shoe polish that we got at the canteen. We mostly made our eyes up, but some girls put brown pencil around their lips.</p> <p>Some girls reacted badly to prison life, but we tried to help them, and they managed to make friends, to find people who helped them overcome their distress. I wouldn't leave a poor girl by herself who arrived here and who looked completely lost. I went to see her, I talked to her. Of course there were those who had their husbands and their children outside; for them it was harder. I was told that once a girl hanged herself. Sometimes there were also attempts at escape; I was told that one inmate hid herself in a garbage can, but she didn't have time to get out and was killed inside the garbage truck.</p> <p>At Christmas the Salvation Army came. We got together in the mess hall and listened to them sing Christmas carols. These women were very nice. They gave each of us a towel, a handkerchief, and a pack of candy. We had a lot of fun because we weren't used to seeing this sort of woman. Everybody was laughing, but they were well received by the inmates. In the end we thought it was really nice of them to trouble themselves for us. I think a lot of the girls were touched.</p> <p>For the meal, we put all the tables together to be the most together possible. Those who had saved a little money bought pastries, but almost everything was shared. I, for example, didn't have any money, but I had a little of everything like everybody else. On the part of the prison, there was nothing, except that we didn't work that day and we could go to midnight mass. A lot of people were depressed that day; all this reminded us of our families and of all the things we were trying to forget. It was nice, this party, but actually it was painful. The monotony of the other days was better. We didn't really give each other presents. We didn't have the possibility of giving anything, except cigarettes. The girl I was going out with gave me some cigarettes. </p></div> </body> </text> </TEI>
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They have consistently resisted hierarchal structures and male-dominated institutions and their development of feminist theory has been detailed in publications such as <persName key="Carla Lonzi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3658850">Carla Lonzi</persName>'s <title key="Sputiamo su Hegel" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q42245141" cert="high">Sputiamo su Hegel</title> (1970) and <title level="m">La Donna clitoridea e la donna vaginale</title> (1977), the collective's <title><emph>Sessualita femminile e aborto</emph></title> (1977) and <persName key="Carla Accardi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2939027">Carla Accardi</persName>'s <title><emph>Superiore e inferiore</emph></title> (1972). The latter records the author's dismissal from her job after discussing the Rivolta Femminile manifesto with her female high school students. All publications are available from Rivolta Femminile, Via del Babuino 16, Rome, Italy.</quote> <div><p>We in Rivolta Femminile refuse to pay tribute to male creativity because we are aware that in the patriarchal world—that is, in a world made by men and for men—even the liberating force of creativity is the prerogative of men. Woman—in so many ways a subsidiary being—is denied every role which could effect a recognition of these inequities. For her, there is no prospect of liberation.</p> <p>The creativity of men speaks to the creativity of other men while woman, as client and spectator of that dialogue, is assigned a status which excludes competition. Woman is locked into a role which, <lang><emph>a priori</emph></lang>, assures the male artist an audience. While <emph>creating</emph> art is seen to have a liberating function, art as an institution insists that woman be the neutral witness to the work of others. Man's energy, even in art, is spent by competing with other men. Only the contemplation of art invites woman's involvement.</p> <p>This is the nature of patriarchal creativity: to depend upon aggressive competition with male rivals and on the passive appreciation of women. Man, the artist, feels abandoned by woman as soon as she abandons her archetypal spectator's role; their mutual solidarity rests solely on <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_103.jpg"/> the conviction that, as a spectator gratified by creativity, woman reaches the highest possible point in the evolution of her species.</p> <p>But, on the contrary, woman is discovering that the patriarchal world <emph>needs</emph> her—that man's self-liberating efforts absolutely depend on her—and that <emph>woman's</emph> liberation can only be realized independent of patriarchal previsions and the dynamics by which men liberate themselves. The artist depends upon woman to glorify his work and she, until she begins her own liberation, is happy to oblige. The work of art cannot afford to lose the security inherent in her exclusively receptive role.</p> <p>Once aware of her position in relation to male creativity, woman is left with two possibilities: the first—until now, the only available option—of distinguishing herself within the creative hierarchy historically defined by men (which alienates her from other women while men recognize her only indulgently); or—the feminist alternative—of autonomously recovering her own creativity, nourished by her awareness of past oppression.</p> <p>To celebrate male creativity is ultimately to submit to the historic sovereignty of men, to that patriarchal strategy which deliberately subjugates us. But let woman remove herself, and the struggle for male supremacy becomes not man lording it over woman, but merely a struggle between individual men.</p> <p>By refusing to celebrate male creativity, we are not judging creativity, nor are we contesting it. Rather, with our absence, we are refusing to accept it as defined; we are challenging the concept of art as something which men graciously hand down to us. By ceasing to believe in a refracted liberation, we are unleashing creative energy from patriarchal bonds.</p> <p>With her absence, woman performs a dramatic act of awareness, creative because it <emph>is</emph> liberating. </p> </div> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>
The Pink Glass Swan Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="null"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>The Pink Glass Swan</title> <author>Lucy Lippard</author> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>Issue 1: Heresies</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. 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"https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/lippard_0_0_0_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20250130161746040#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div/p[6]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteInternal", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "Class and Feminism,\n\t\t\t\t\t\ted. Charlotte Bunch and Nancy Myron (Baltimore, 1974). This book contains\n\t\t\t\t\t\tsome excrutiating insights for the middle-class feminist; it raised my\n\t\t\t\t\t\tconsciousness and inspired this essay (along with other recent experiences\n\t\t\t\t\t\tand conversations)." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", 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"https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/lippard_0_0_0_0_0_0.xml", "@type": "dctypes:Text", "dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/lippard_0_0_0_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20250130161746041#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div/p[12]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteInternal", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "Michele Russell, \"Woman and Third World,\"\n\n\t\t\t\t\t\tNew American Movement (June, 1973)." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ 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Don Celender (New York,\n\t\t\t\t\t\t1975)" }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:issued" }, "oa:motivatedBy": { "@type": "oa:Motivation" }, "@language": "en", "rdf": "http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#", "rdfs": "http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#", "as": "http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#", "cwrc": "http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#", "dc": "http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/", "dcterms": "http://purl.org/dc/terms/", "foaf": "http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/", "geo": "http://www.geonames.org/ontology#", "oa": "http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#", "schema": 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"https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/lippard_0_0_0_0_0_0.xml?note_annotation_20250130161746043#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div/p[19]/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteInternal", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "Bernard Kirschenbaum, in correspondence.\n\t\t\t\t\t\tCelender, op. cit., offers proof of this need and of the huge (and amazing)\n\t\t\t\t\t\tinterest in art expressed by the working class, though it should be said\n\t\t\t\t\t\tthat much of what is called art would not be agreed upon by the taste\n\t\t\t\t\t\tdictators." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> 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Lippard" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q137115">Lucy Lippard</persName></byline> <p>The general alienation of contemporary avant-garde art from any broad audience has been crystallized in the women's movement. From the beginning, both liberal feminists concerned with changing women's personal lives and socialist feminists concerned with overthrowing the classist/racist/sexist foundations of society have agreed that "fine" art is more or less irrelevant, though holding out the hope that feminist art could and should be different. The American women artists' movement has concentrated its efforts on gaining power within its own interest group—the art world, in itself an incestuous network of relationships between artists and art on the one hand and dealers publishers, buyers on the other. The "public," the "masses," or the "audience" is hardly considered.</p> <p> The art world has evolved its own curious class system. Externally this is a microcosm of capitalist society, but it maintains an internal dialectic (or just plain contradiction) that attempts to reverse or ignore that parallel. Fame may be a higher currency than mere money, but the two tend to go together. Since the buying and selling of art and artists is done by the ruling classes or by those chummy with them and their institutions, all artists or producers, no matter what their individual economic backgrounds are dependent on the owners and forced into a proletarian role—just as women, in <persName key="Friedrich Engels" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q34787">Engels'</persName> analysis, play proletarian to the male ruler across all class boundaries. Looking at and "appreciating" art in this century has been understood as an instrument (or at best a result) of upward social mobility in which owning art is the ultimate step. Making art is at the bottom of the scale. This is the only legitimate reason to see artists as so many artists see themselves—as "workers." At the same time, artists/makers tend to feel misunderstood and, as creators, innately superior to the buyers/owners. The innermost circle of the art-world class system thereby replaces the rulers with the creators, and the contemporary artist in the big city (read New York) is a schizophrenic creature. S/he is persistently working "up" to be accepted, not only by other artists but also by the hierarchy that exhibits, writes about, and buys her/his work. At the same time s/he is often ideologically working "down" in an attempt to identify with the workers outside of the art context, and to overthrow the rulers in the name of art. This conflict is augmented by the fact that most artists are originally from the middle class, and their approach to the bourgeoisie includes a touch of adolescent rebellion against authority. Those few who have actually emerged from the working class sometimes use this—their very lack of background privilege—as privilege in itself, while playing the same schizophrenic foreground role as their solidly middle-class colleagues.</p> <p> Artists, then, are workers or at least producers even when they don't know it. Yet artists dressed in work clothes (or expensive imitations thereof) and producing a commodity accessible only to the rich differ drastically from the real working class in that artists control their production and their product—or could if they realized it and if they had the strength to maintain that control. In the studio, at least, unlike the farm, the factory, and the mine, the unorganized worker is in superficial control and can, if s/he dares, talk down to or tell off the boss—the collector, the curator, etc. For years now, with little effect, it has been pointed out to artists that the art-world superstructure cannot run without them. Art, after all, is the product on which all the money is made and the power based.</p> <p> During the 1950s and 1960s most American artists were unaware that they did <emph>not</emph> control their art, that their art could be used not only for esthetic pleasure or decoration or status symbols, but also as an educational weapon. In the late 1960s, between the Black, the student, the anti-war and the women's movements, the facts of the exploitation of art in and out of the art world emerged. Most artists and artworkers still ignore these issues because they make us feel too uncomfortable and helpless. Yet if there were a strike against museums and galleries to allow artists control of their work, the scabs would be out immediately in full force, with reasons ranging from self-interest to total lack of political awareness to a genuine belief that society would crumble without art, that art is "above it all." Or is it in fact <emph>below</emph> it all, as most political activists seem to think?</p> <p> Another aspect of this conflict surfaces in discussions around who gets a "piece of the pie"—a phrase which has become the scornful designation for what is actually most people's goal. (Why shouldn't artists be able to make a living in this society like everybody else? Well, <emph>almost</emph> <pb n="83" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_085.jpg"/> everybody else.) Those working for "cultural change" through political theorizing and occasional actions are opposed to <emph>anybody</emph> getting a piece of the pie, though politics appears to be getting fashionable again in the art world and may itself provide a vehicle for internal success; today one can refuse a piece of the pie and simultaneously be getting a chance at it. Still, the pie is very small and there are a lot of hungry people circling it. Things were bad enough when only men were allowed to take a bite. Since "aggressive women" have gotten in there too, competition, always at the heart of the art-world class system, has peaked.</p> <p> Attendance at any large art school in the U.S. takes students from all classes and trains them for artists' schizophrenia. While being cool and chicly grubby (in the "uniform" of mass production), and knowing what's the latest in taste and what's the kind of art to make and the right names to drop is clearly "upward mobility"—from school into teaching jobs and/or the art world—the lifestyle accompanying these habits is heavily weighted "downward." The working-class girl who has had to work for nice clothes must drop into frayed jeans to make it into the art middle class, which in turn considers itself both upper and lower class. Choosing poverty is a confusing experience for a child whose parents (or more likely mother) have tried desperately against great odds to keep a clean and pleasant home. <note type="researchNote"><title><emph>Class and Feminism</emph></title>, ed. <persName key="Charlotte Bunch" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5085869">Charlotte Bunch</persName> and <persName key="Nancy Myron" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q94280766">Nancy Myron</persName> (Baltimore, 1974). This book contains some excrutiating insights for the middle-class feminist; it raised my consciousness and inspired this essay (along with other recent experiences and conversations).</note> </p> <p> The artist who feels superior to the rich because s/he is disguised as someone who is poor provides a puzzle for the truly deprived. A parallel notion, rarely admitted but pervasive, is that a person can't understand "art" if their house is full of pink glass swans or their lawn is inhabited by gnomes and flamingos, or if they even care about house and clothes at all. This is particularly ridiculous now, when art itself uses so much of this paraphernalia (and not always satirically); or, from another angle, when even artists who have no visible means of professional support live in palatial lofts and sport beat-up $100 boots while looking down on the "tourists" who come to SoHo to see art on Saturdays; SoHo is, in fact, the new suburbia. One reason for such callousness is a hangover from the 1950s, when artists really were poor and proud of being poor because their art, the argument went, must be good if the bad guys—the rich <emph>and</emph> the masses—didn't like it.</p> <p>In the 1960s the choice of poverty, often excused as anti-consumerism, even infiltrated the esthetics of art.<note type="scholarNote">Actually nothing new; the history of modern art demonstrates a constant longing for the primitive, the simple, the clear, the "poor," the noble naif, etc.</note> First there was <rs key="pop art" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q134147">Pop Art</rs>, modeled on kitsch, on advertising and consumerism, and equally successful on its own level. (Women, incidentally, participated little in Pop Art, partly because of its blatant sexism, sometimes presented as a parody of the image of woman in the media—and partly because the subject matter was often "women's work," ennobled and acceptable only when the artists were men.) Then came Process Art—a rebellion against the "precious object" traditionally desired and bought by the rich. Here another kind of co-optation took place, when temporary piles of dirt, oil, rags and filthy rubber began to grace carpeted living rooms. The Italian branch was even called <emph>Arte Povera</emph>. Then came the rise of a third-stream medium called "conceptual art" which offered "anti-objects" in the form of ideas—books or simple xeroxed texts and photographs with no inherent physical or monetary value (until they got on the market, that is). Conceptual art seemed politically viable because of its notion that the use of ordinary, inexpensive, unbulky media would lead to a kind of socialization (or at least democratization) of art as opposed to gigantic canvases and huge chrome sculptures costing five figures and filling the world with more consumer fetishes.</p> <p> Yet the trip from oil on canvas to ideas on xerox was, in retrospect, yet another instance of "downward mobility" or middle-class guilt. It was no accident that conceptual art appeared at the height of the social movements of the late 1960s nor that the artists were sympathetic to those movements (with the qualified exception of the women's movement). All of the esthetic tendencies listed above were genuinely instigated as rebellions by the artists themselves, yet the fact remains that only rich people can afford to 1) spend money on art that won't last; 2) live with "ugly art" or art that is not decorative, because the rest of their surroundings are beautiful and comfortable; 3) like "non-object art" which is only handy if you already have too many possessions—when it becomes a reactionary commentary: art for the overprivileged in a consumer society.</p> <p> As a child, I was accused by my parents of being an "anti-snob snob" and I'm only beginning to see the limitations of such a rebellion. Years later I was an early supporter of and proselytizer for conceptual art as escape from the commodity orientation of the art world, a way of communicating with a broader audience via inexpensive media. Though I was bitterly disappointed (with the social, not the esthetic achievements) when I found that this work could be so easily absorbed into the system, it is only now that I've realized why the absorption took place. Conceptual art's democratic efforts and physical vehicles were cancelled out by its neutral, elitist content and its patronizing approach. From around 1967 to 1971, most of us involved in conceptual art saw that content as pretty revolutionary and thought of ourselves as rebels against the cool, hostile artifacts of the prevailing formalist and minimal art. But we were so totally enveloped in the middle-class approach to everything we did and saw, we couldn't perceive how that pseudo-academic narrative piece or that art-world-oriented action <pb n="84" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_086.jpg"/> in the streets was deprived of any revolutionary content by the fact that it was usually incomprehensible and alienating to the people "out there," no matter how fashionably downwardly mobile it might be in the art world. The idea that if art is subversive in the art world it will automatically appeal to a general audience now seems absurd. </p> <p> The whole evolutionary basis of modernist innovation, the idea of esthetic "progress," the "I-did-it-first" and "it's-been-done-already" syndromes which pervade contemporary avant garde art and criticism, are also blatantly classist, and have more to do with technology than with art. To be "avant-garde" is inevitably to be on top or to become upper-middle-class, because such innovations take place in a context accessible only to the educated elite. Thus socially conscious artists working in or with community groups and muralists try to disassociate themselves from the art world, even though its values ("quality") remain to haunt them personally.</p> <p> The value systems are different in and out of the art world, and anyone attempting to straddle the two develops another kind of schizophrenia. For instance, in the inner-city community murals, as <persName key="Eva Cockcroft" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q106308202">Eva Cockcroft</persName> points out elsewhere in this publication, the images of woman are the traditional ones—a beautiful, noble mother and housewife or worker, and a rebellious young woman striving to change her world—both of them celebrated for their courage to be and to stay the way they are and to support their men in the face of horrendous odds. This is not the art-world or middle-class "radical" view of future feminism, nor is it one which radical feminists hoping to "reach out" across the classes can easily espouse. Here, in the realm of aspirations, is where upward and downward mobility and status quo clash, where the economic class barriers are established. As <persName key="Russell, Michele D." ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/11163457050804813684/">Michele Russell</persName> has noted, <note type="researchNote">Michele Russell, "Woman and Third World," <title level="m">New American Movement</title> (June, 1973).</note> the Third-World woman is not attracted to the "Utopian experimentation" of the left (in the art world, the would-be Marxist avant-garde) or to the "pragmatic opportunism" of the right (in the art world, those who reform and co-opt the "radicals").</p> <p> Many of the subjects touched on here come back to Taste. To a poor woman, art, or a beautiful object, might be defined as something she cannot have. Beauty and art have been defined before as <emph>the desirable</emph>. In a consumer society, art too becomes a commodity rather than a life-enhancing experience. Yet the <persName key="Vincent van Gogh" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5582">Van Gogh</persName> reproduction or the pink glass swan—the same beautiful objects that may be "below" a middleclass woman (because she has, in moving upward, acquired upper-class taste, or would like to think she has)—may be "above" or inaccessible to a welfare mother. The phrase "to dictate taste" has its own political connotations. A Minneapolis worker interviewed by students of artist <persName key="Don Celender" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q28873078">Don Celender</persName> said he liked "old art works because they're more classy," <note type="researchNote"><title level="m">Opinions of Working People Concerning the Arts</title>, ed. Don Celender (New York, 1975)</note> and class does seem to be what the traditional notion of art is all about. Yet contemporary avant-garde art, for all its attempts to break out of that gold frame, is equally class-bound, and even the artist aware of these contradictions in her/his own life and work is hard-put to resolve them. It's a vicious circle. If the artist/producer is upper-middle-class, and our standards of art as taught in schools are persistently upper-middle-class, how do we escape making art only for the upper-middle-class?</p> <p> The alternatives to "quality," to the "high" art shown in art-world galleries and magazines have been few, and for the most part unsatisfying, although well-intended. Even when kitsch, politics or housework are absorbed into art, contact with the real world is not necessarily made. At no time has the avant garde, though playing in the famous "gap between art and life," moved far enough out of the art context to attract a broad audience—that audience which has, ironically, been trained to think of art as something that has nothing to do with life and, at the same time, tends only to like that art which means something in terms of its own life, or fantasies. The dilemma for the leftist artist in the middle class is that her/his standards seem to have been set irremediably. No matter how much we know about what the broader public wants, or needs, it is very difficult to break social conditioning and cultural habits. Hopefully, a truly feminist art will provide other standards.</p> <p> To understand the woman artist's position in this complex situation between the art world and the real world, class and gender, it is necessary to know that in America artists are rarely respected unless they are stars or rich or mad or dead. Being an artist is not being "somebody." Middle-class families are happy to pay lip service to art but god forbid their own children take it so seriously as to consider it a profession. Thus a man who becomes an artist is asked when he is going to "go to work," and he is not-so-covertly considered a child, a sissy (a woman), someone who has a hobby rather than a vocation, someone who can't make money and therefore cannot hold his head up in the real world of men—at least until his work sells, at which point he may be welcomed back. Male artists, bending over backward to rid themselves of this stigma, tend to be particularly susceptible to insecurity and <emph>machismo</emph>. So women daring to insist on their place in the primary rank—as art makers rather than as art housekeepers (curators, critics, dealers, "patrons")—inherit a heavy burden of male fears in addition to the economic and psychological <pb n="85" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_087.jpg"/> discrimination still rampant in a patriarchal, money-oriented society.</p> <p> Most art being shown now has little to do with any woman's experience, in part because women—rich ones as "patrons," others as decorators and "home-makers"—are in charge of the private sphere, while men identify more easily with public art—art that has become public through economic validation (the million-dollar <persName key="Rembrandt" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5598" cert="high" type="real">Rembrandt</persName>). Private art is often seen as mere ornament; public art is associated with monuments and money, with "high" art and its containers, including unwelcoming whitewalled galleries and museums with classical courthouse architecture. Even the graffiti artists, whose work was unsuccessfully transferred from subways to art galleries, were all men, concerned with facades, with having their names in spray paint, in lights, in museums...</p> <p> Private art is visible only to intimates. I suspect the reason so few women "folk" artists work outdoors in large scale (like <persName key="Simon Rodia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1119723">Simon Rodia</persName>'s <title>Watts Towers</title> and other "naives and visionaries" with their cement and bottles) is not only because men aspire to erections and know how to use the necessary tools, but because women can and must assuage these same creative urges inside the house, with the pink glass swan as an element in their own works of art the living room or kitchen. In the art world the situation is doubly paralleled. Women's art until recently was rarely seen in public and all artists are voluntarily "women" because of the social attitudes mentioned above; the art world is so small that it is "private."</p> <p> Just as the living room is enclosed by the building it is in, art and artist are firmly imprisoned by the culture which supports them. Artists claiming to work for themselves alone, and not for any audience at all, are passively accepting the upper-middle class audience of the internal art world. This is compounded by the fact that to be middle-class is to be passive, to live with the expectation of being taken care of and entertained. But art should be a consciousness-raiser; it partakes of and should fuse the private and the public spheres. It should be able to reintegrate the personal without being satisfied by the merely personal. One good test is whether or not it communicates, and then, of course, what and how it communicates. If it doesn't communicate it may just not be very good art from anyone's point of view; or it may be that the artist is not even aware of the needs of others, or simply doesn't care.</p> <p> For there is a need out there, a need vaguely satisfied at the moment by "schlock." <note type="researchNote"><persName key="Bernard Kirschenbaum" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q10428700">Bernard Kirschenbaum</persName>, in correspondence. Celender, op. cit., offers proof of this need and of the huge (and amazing) interest in art expressed by the working class, though it should be said that much of what is called art would not be agreed upon by the taste dictators.</note> And it seems that one of the basic tenets of the feminist arts should be a reaching out from the private sphere to transform that "artificial art" and to more fully satisfy that need. For the art-world artist has come to consider her/his private needs paramount, and has too often forgotten about those of the audience, any audience. Work that communicates to a dangerous number of people is derogatorily called a "crowd pleaser." This is a blatantly classist attitude, taking for granted that most people are by nature incapable of understanding good art (ie., upper-class or quality art). At the same time, much ado is made about art-educational theories that claim to "teach people to see" (consider the political implications of this notion) and muffle all issues by stressing the "universality" of great art.</p> <p> It may be that at the moment the possibilities are slim for a middle-class art world's understanding or criticism of the little art we see that reflects working-class cultural values. Perhaps our current responsibility lies in humanizing our own activities so that they will communicate more effectively with all women. Hopefully we will aspire to more than women's art flooding the museum and gallery circuit. Perhaps a feminist art will only emerge when we become wholly responsible for our own work, for what becomes of it, who sees it, and who is nourished by it. For a feminist artist, whatever her style, the prime audience at this time is other women. So far, we have tended to be satisfied with communicating with those women whose social experience is close to ours. This is natural enough, since this is where we will get our greatest support, and we need support in taking this risk of trying to <emph>please</emph> women, knowing that we are almost certain to displease men in the process. In addition, it is embarrassing to talk openly about the class system which divides us, hard to do so without sounding more bourgeois than ever in the implications of superiority and inferiority inherent in such discussions (where the working class is as often considered superior as the middle class).</p> <p> A book of essays called <title level="m">Class and Feminism</title> written by The Furies, a lesbian feminist collective, makes clear that from the point of view of working-class women, class is a definite problem within the women's movement. As <persName key="Myron, Nancy, 1943-" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/79318339/">Nancy Myron</persName> observes, middle-class women:</p> <quote>can intellectualize, politicize, accuse, abuse and contribute money in order not to deal with their own classism. Even if they admit that class exists, they are not likely to admit that their behavior is a product of it. They will go through every painful detail of their lives to prove to me or another working-class woman that they really didn't have any privilege, that their family was exceptional, that they actually did have an uncle who worked in a factory. To ease anyone's guilt is not the point of talking about class... You don't get rid of oppression just by talking about it.</quote> <pb n="86" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_088.jpg"/> <p>Women are more strenuously conditioned toward upward cultural mobility or "gentility" than men, which often results in the woman consciously betraying her class origins as a matter of course. The hierarchies within the whole span of the middle class are most easily demarcated by lifestyle and dress. For instance, the much-scorned "Queens housewife" may have enough to eat, may have learned to consume the unnecessities, and may have made it to a desired social bracket in her community, but if she ventures to make art (not just own it), she will find herself back at the bottom in the art world, looking wistfully up to the plateau where the male, the young, the bejeaned seem so at ease.</p> <p> For middle-class women in the art world not only dress "down," but dress like working-class <emph>men</emph>. They do so because housedresses, pedal pushers, polyester pantsuits, perrnanents, the wrong accents are not such acceptable disguises for women as the boots, overalls and win breaker syndromes are for men. Thus young middle-class women tend to deny their female counterparts and take on "male" (unisex) attire. It may at times have been chic to dress like a native American or a Bedouin woman, but it has never been chic to dress like a working class woman, even if she's trying to look like <persName key="Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q165421">Jackie Kennedy</persName>. Young working-class women (and men) spend a large amount of avallable money on clothes; it's a way to forget the rats and roaches by which even the cleanest tenement-dwellers are blessed, or the mortgages by which even the hardest-working homeowners are blessed, and to present a classy facade. Artists dressing and talking "down" insult the hardhat much as rich kids in rags do; they insult people whose notion of art is something to work for-the pink glass swan.</p> <p> Yet women, as evidenced by the Furies' publication, and as pointed out elsewhere (most notably by <persName key="August Bebel" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q76520" cert="high" type="real">Bebel</persName>), have a unique chance to communicate with women across the boundaries of economic class because as a "vertical class" we share the majority of our most fundamental experiences—emotionally, even when economically we are divided. Thus an economic analysis does not adequately explore the psychological and esthetic ramifications of the need for change within a sexually oppressed group. Nor does it take into consideration that women's needs are different from men's—or so it seems at this still unequal point in history. The vertical class cuts across the horizontal economic classes in a column of injustices. While heightened class consciousness can only clarify the way we see the world, and all clarification is for the better, I can't bring myself to trust hard lines and categories where fledgling feminism is concerned.</p> <p> Even in the art world, the issue of feminism has barely been raised in mixed political groups. In 1970, women took our rage and our energies to our own organizations, or directly to the public by means of picketing and protests. While a few men supported these, and most politically conscious male artists now claim to be feminists to some degree, the political <emph>and</emph> apolitical art world goes on as though feminism didn't exist—the presence of a few vociferous feminist artists and critics not withstanding. And in the art world, as in the real world, political commitment frequently means total disregard for feminist priorities. Even the increasingly Marxist group ironically calling itself Art-Language is unwilling to stop the exclusive use of the male pronoun in its theoretical publications. <note type="researchNote">This despite their publication of and apparent endorsement of <persName key="Carolee Schneemann" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q299662">Carolee Schneemann</persName>'s "The Prounoun Tyranny" in the Fox, 3(1976)</note></p> <p> Experiences like this one and dissatisfaction with Marxism's lack of interest in "the woman question" make me wary of merging Marxism and feminism. The notion of the non-economic or "vertical" class is anathema to Marxists and confusion is rampant around the chicken-egg question of whether women can be equal before the establishment of a classless society or whether a classless society can be established before women are liberated. As <persName key="Sheila Rowbotham" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q432851">Sheila Rowbotham</persName> says of her own Marxism and feminism:</p> <quote>They are at once incompatible and in real need of one another. As a feminist and a Marxist I carry their contradictions within me and it is tempting to opt for one or the other in an effort to produce a tidy resolution of the commotion generated by the antagonism between them. But to do that would mean evading the social reality which gives rise to the antagonism. <note type="researchNote">Sheila Rowbotham, Women: Resistance and Revolution (London, 1972).</note></quote> <p>As women, therefore, we need to establish far more strongly our own sense of community, so that all our arts will be enjoyed by all women in all economic circumstances. This will happen only when women artists make conscious efforts to cross class barriers, to consider their audience, to see, respect, work with the women who create outside the art world—whether in suburban crafts guilds or in offices and factories or in community workshops. The current feminist passion for women's traditional arts, which influences a great many women artists, should make this road much easier, undess it too becomes another commercialized rip-off. Despite the very real class obstacles, I feel strongly that women are in a privileged position to satisfy the goal of an art which would communicate the needs of all classes and sexes to each other, and get rid ofthe we/they dichotomy to as great an extent as is possible in a capitalist framework. Our sex, our oppression and our female experience—our female culture, just being explored—offer access to all of us by these common threads.</p> </div> </body> <back> <p>Lucy R. Lippard is a feminist art critic, writes fiction too, and has been active politically. She is co-founder of several women artists' groups and has published 10 books on contemporary art, the two most recent ones being <title level="m">From the Center: Feminist Essays on Women's Art</title> (E.P. Dutton) and <title level="m">Eva Hesse</title> (N.Y.U. Press).</p> </back> </text> </TEI>
Wages for Housework Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="null"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>Wages For Housework: The Strategy for Women's Liberation</title> <author>Pat Sweeney</author> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>Heresies: Issue 1</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox> <settlement>New York</settlement> <region>New York</region> <postCode>10013</postCode> </address> </pubPlace> </imprint> </monogr> </biblStruct> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> <xenoData><rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:rdfs="http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#" xmlns:as="http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#" xmlns:cwrc="http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/" xmlns:foaf="http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/" xmlns:geo="http://www.geonames.org/ontology#" xmlns:oa="http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#" xmlns:schema="http://schema.org/" xmlns:xsd="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#" xmlns:fabio="https://purl.org/spar/fabio#" xmlns:bf="http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#" xmlns:cito="https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#" xmlns:org="http://www.w3.org/ns/org#"/></xenoData></teiHeader> <text> <body> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_106.jpg"/> <div><head><title>Wages For Housework: The Strategy for Women's Liberation </title></head> <byline><persName>Pat Sweeney</persName></byline></div> <div><p>Many "feminist" writers have contributed to the ideology of housework. Radical-feminists, while recognizing the identification of housework with our female nature, have proposed sharing this work with a man and leaving the home for outside work. Socialist-feminists, describing housework as precapitalist, have proclaimed that our goal should be toward "industrialization," which would liberate our time for more work—but in a factory, if not a collective kitchen. Liberal feminists have defined our problem as "lack of consciousness," describing women as dupes of Madison Avenue ad-men. Finally, there are those feminists who, much to capitalists' rejoicing, have glorified our forced labor in the home as the embodiment of the best human potentials: our capacity to nurture and care, our very capacity to love. One thing they all agree on is that women should not be paid for this work, because this presumably would institutionalize us in the home, and extend the control of the state to "the one area of freedom we have in our lives."</p> <p>Contrary to these criticisms, the Wages for Housework Committee's perspective is based on the fact that housework is <emph>already controlled and institutionalized</emph> (Mother's Day is nothing less than the celebration of this institutionalization!) <emph>precisely because this work is unwaged</emph>. Society is organized to force us into this job, and the fact that we don’t receive a wage for the work continuously undermines our power to refuse it.</p> <p>That housework is unwaged means first of all that it appears not as <emph>work</emph>, but as part of our female nature. Thus, when we refuse part of this work—as, for example, lesbian women do in refusing to provide sexual services to men—we are branded as perverts, as if we were breaking some law of nature. We are divided into "good“ and "bad" women depending on whether or not we do the housework and whether or not we do it for free. In this society to be a good woman — or just to be a woman—is to be a good servant at everyone's disposal 24 hours a day; it means accepting that this work should not be paid because it supposedly fulfills our nature, and thus contains its own reward.</p> <p>Housework is not just washing dishes, scrubbing floors, or raising babies. What we do at home is <emph>produce and reproduce workers</emph>: every day we create and restore the capacity of others (and ourselves) to work, and to be exploited. It is ironic that as houseworkers we are not included in the nation's labor force, for without this work the workforce would not exist. The lack of a wage obscures the indispensability of our work to the functioning of this society. Housework makes every other work possible. No car could be produced, no coal could be dug, no office could be run, if there were not women at home servicing and reproducing those who make the cars, those who dig the coal, those who run the offices. <emph>This is the sexual division of labor</emph>: workers make cars, and women make the workers who make the cars. And to make a worker is a much more time- and energy-consuming job than to make a car! Not only do we "reproduce“ them physically— cooking their dinners, doing the shopping (shopping is work, not consumption as some "feminists" would have us believe). We also service workers emotionally—taking the brunt of their tiredness and frustration day after day. And we service workers sexually—the Saturday night screw keeps them going for yet another week at the assembly line or desk.</p> <p>It appears that we freely donate all this work to our husbands and children out of our love for them. In reality we are working for the same bosses, who are getting two workers for the price of one. Our lives are governed by the same work schedule as those we serve. When we cook dinner or when we "make love" is determined by the factory time-clock. Not only the quantity, but also the quality of workers we reproduce is controlled. If they don't need many workers, we are sterilized; if they need more workers we are denied access to contraceptives and are forced to resort to backstreet butchers (the right to life is never claimed for women). Likewise, if we are on welfare or we tend to produce "troublemakers," we are again sterilized.</p> <p>In every case, our sexuality is continuously under control to make sure that we use it productively. Lesbianism and teenage sex are illegal, and rape in the family (or the battered wife) is not a crime since readily available<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_107.jpg"/> money of our own that creates the battered wife or the closet lesbian and forces so many of us to remain in unwanted family situations. With money in our hands, we would have the power to walk out whenever we wanted. Men would certainly think twice before raising their hands to us if they knew that we could leave any minute, without the prospect of starving.</p> <p>Our wageless condition in the home is the material basis of our dependence on men. This weakness in the community, as wageless houseworkers, is ultimately the weakness of the entire class. Capitalism takes away from us in the community (through inflation—price hikes rent increases, fare increases, etc.) what we have gained through our power in the factory. Women pay a double price for this defeat. Higher prices mean an intensification of our work, since we are expected to absorb the cost of inflation with extra work.</p> <p>The struggle for wages for housework is a struggle for social power—for women first, but ultimately for the entire working class. In fact, by demanding wages for the work we already do, instead of demanding more work, we are posing the question of <emph>the immediate reappropriation of the wealth we have produced</emph>. Exploitation is the enforcement of unpaid labor the only source of capitalist profits. Thus to attack our wagelessness is to attack capitalism at its roots for capital is precisely the accumulated labor that has been robbed from workers generation after generation.</p> <p>In contrast, the strategy that has been offered to us by "feminists" and the left—the strategy to obtain more work-would only mean further enslavement to the present system. It is capital that poses work as the only natural destiny in our lives, not the working class, whose struggles are always directed toward gaining more money and less work. To pose the "right to work" as our road to liberation ignores that we are already working, and that housework does not wither away when we go out for a paid job. Our work at home simply intensifies: we do it at night when everybody is already asleep, or in the morning before everyone awakes or on weekends. Our wages remain low—and they quickly disappear in paying for day-care centers lunches, carfare, etc. Furthermore, with two jobs we have even less time to organize with other women. Unions have long accused women of being backward. But when did unions consider that we are not free to attend meetings after our second job is over because we must hurry to report back to our first one—picking up the kids at the day-care center or babysitter's getting to the supermarket before it closes, fixing dinner for the men who expect it to be ready when they come home from work?</p> <p>Another illusion is that to go "out to work" is to break our isolation and gain the possibility of a social life. Very often the isolation of a typing pool or a secretarial office matches our isolation in the home. We certainly aspire to a social life better than the one provided by an assembly line. But going out of the home is not much of a relief if we don’t have any money in our hands, or if we go out just for more work.</p> <p>We also reject the idea that sharing our exploitation in the home with a man can be a strategy for liberation. "Sharing the housework" is not an invention of the Women's Movement. Women have continuously tried to get men to share this work. Despite some victories, we have discovered that this battle also has many limitations. First, the man is not home most of the time. If he brings in the money, and we are economically dependent on him, we don't have the power to force him to do housework. In fact it is often more work for us to get the man to share the work than do it ourselves. Most importantly, this strategy confines us to an individual struggle which does not give us the power (or the protection) of a mass struggle. <emph>And it assumes that every woman has (or wants) a man with whom to share the work.</emph></p> <p>As for a possible rationalization of house work, we must immediately say that we are not interested in making our work more efficient or more productive for capital. We are interested in reducing our work, and ultimately refusing it altogether. But as long as we work in the home for nothing, no one really cares how long or how hard we work. For capital only introduces advanced technology to cut its costs of production after wage gains by the working class. Only if we make our work cost (i.e. only if we make it uneconomical) will capital "discover“ the technology to reduce it. At present, we often have to go out for a second shift of work to afford the dishwasher that should cut down our housework!</p> <p>Who will pay for this work?</p> <p>We demand wages for housework from the government for two major reasons. First, every sector of the economy benefits from our work we don’t work for one boss, we work for all the bosses. Consequently we demand the money from the state. Second, the government already is our boss. In every country the government is responsible for guaranteeing an adequate labor force to industry. This means that the government directly regulates and controls our work through the family, world population control, immigration laws, and finally by entering the community whenever we refuse to perform our work.</p> <p>The question "who will pay?" is usually posed so as to subvert the cause. It is assumed that the government is broke, and that our demand will only divide the working class by forcing the government to tax other workers to pay us a wage. In reality, by getting more power for ourselves, we will be giving more power not only to men (power not over us but with respect to their bosses) but to every sector (the young, the elderly, and the wageless in general). We will <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_108.jpg"/> begin to break the power relations which so far have kept us divided. Through a united working class we can force the government to tax the corporations, not other workers.</p> <p>A posture of defeat also ignores the struggles women have made against housework and what we have been able to win in relation to this work. It is no accident that after the massive struggles welfare mothers waged in the 1960s for more money from the government—the first money we have won for housework—the number of female-headed families has dramatically increased (doubling every decade) along with the number of divorces, particularly among women with children, and the number of young women who have been able to set up independent households. This is not to glorify welfare. Welfare does not even begin to pay for all our work—we need much more and we need it for all of us. But it is to recognize how even a little money has begun to break down some of the most powerful mechanisms of discipline which traditionally have kept us in line.</p></div> </body> <back> <div><p>Pat Sweeney is an active member of the Wages For House work Committee (288-8 8th Street, Brooklyn, N.Y. 11215) and one of the founders of the Nassau County Womens Liberation Center.</p></div> </back> </text> </TEI>
