Toward Socialist Feminism Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="null"?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>Toward Socialist Feminism</title> <author>Barbara Ehrenreich</author> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>[ISSUE TITLE]</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox> <settlement>New York</settlement> <region>New York</region> <postCode>10013</postCode> </address> </pubPlace> </imprint> </monogr> </biblStruct> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> <xenoData><rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:rdfs="http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#" xmlns:as="http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#" xmlns:cwrc="http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/" xmlns:foaf="http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/" xmlns:geo="http://www.geonames.org/ontology#" xmlns:oa="http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#" xmlns:schema="http://schema.org/" xmlns:xsd="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#" xmlns:fabio="https://purl.org/spar/fabio#" xmlns:bf="http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#" xmlns:cito="https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#" xmlns:org="http://www.w3.org/ns/org#"> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> 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"dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2025-04/ehrenreich_0_0_0_0_0_0_0_0_0_0.xml?person_annotation_20230408171700039#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[2]/p[3]/persName[3]" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NaturalPerson", "@id": "http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q101638", "dc:format": "text/plain" }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.6.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData> </teiHeader> <text> <body> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_006.jpg"/> <div> <head> <title>Toward Socialist Feminism</title></head> <byline><persName key="Barbara Ehrenreich" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q283659">Barbara Ehrenreich</persName></byline> </div> <note type="researchNote">Versions of this article have been presented at the Socialst Feminist Conference, Yellow Springs, Ohio, July 1975; at Women's Week, Brown University, April, 1976; and in WIN (June 3, 1976) as "What is Socialist Feminism?"</note> <div> <p> At some level, perhaps not too well articulated, socialist feminism has been around for a long time. You are a woman in a capitalist society. You get pissed off: about the job, about the bills, about your husband (or ex), about the kids' school, the housework, being pretty, not being pretty, being looked at, not being looked at (and either way, not listened to), etc. If you think about all these things and how they fit together and what has to be changed, and then you look around for some words to hold all these thoughts together in abbreviated form, you'd almost have to come up with something like "socialist feminism." </p> <p>A lot of us came to socialist feminism in just that way: we were reaching for a word/term/phrase that would begin to express <emph>all</emph> of our concerns, all of our principles in a way that neither "socialist" nor "feminist" seemed to. I have to admit that most socialist feminists I know are not too happy with the term "socialist feminist" either. On the one hand it is too long (I have no hopes for a hyphenated mass movement); on the other hand it is much too short for what is, after all, really socialist internationalist anti-racist anti-heterosexist feminism.</p> <p>The trouble with taking a new label of any kind is that it creates an instant aura of sectarianism. "Socialist feminism" becomes a challenge, a mystery, an issue in and of itself. We have speakers, conferences, articles on "socialist feminism"—though we know perfectly well that either "socialism" or "feminism" is too huge and too inclusive to be a subject for any sensible speech, conference, or article. People, including avowed socialist feminists, ask themselves anxiously, "What <emph>is</emph> socialist feminism?" There is a kind of expectation that it is (or is about to be at any moment, maybe in the next speech, conference or article) a brilliant synthesis of world historical proportions—an evolutionary leap beyond <persName key="Karl Marx" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9061">Marx</persName>, <persName key="Sigmund Freud" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9215" >Freud</persName> and <persName key="Mary Wollstonecraft" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q101638">Wollstonecraft</persName>. Or that it will turn out to be nothing, a fad seized on by a few disgruntled feminists and female socialists, a temporary distraction.</p> <p>I want to try to cut through some of the mystery which has grown up around socialist feminism. Here I am going to focus on our "theory"—the way we look at and analyze the world. I am not going to deal with our total outlook as socialist feminists because I want to stick as closely as possible to the interface of the two main traditions we grow out of—socialism and feminism. </p> <p> A logical way to start is to look at socialism and feminism separately. How does a socialist—more precisely a Marxist—look at the world? How does a feminist look at the world? To begin with, Marxism and feminism have something important in common: they are <emph>critical</emph> ways of looking at the world. Both rip away popular mythology and "common-sense wisdom'' and force us to look at experience in a new way. Both seek to understand the world—not in terms of static balances and symmetries (as in conventional social science), but in terms of <emph>antagonisms</emph>. So they lead to conclusions which are jarring and disturbing at the same time that they are liberating. There is no way to have a Marxist or a feminist outlook and remain a spectator. To understand the reality laid bare by these analyses is to move into action to change it.</p> <p>Here I am going to restrict myself to what I see as the core insights of Marxism and feminism, and state these as briefly and starkly as possible: Marxism (in 20 words or less) addresses itself to the class dynamics of capitalist society. Every social scientist knows that capitalist societies are characterized by more or less severe, systemic inequality. Marxism understands this inequality to arise from processes which are <emph>intrinsic</emph> to capitalism as an economic system. A minority of people (the capitalist class) own all the factories/energy sources/resources on which everyone else depends in order to live. The great majority (the working class) must, out of sheer necessity, work, under conditions set by the capitalists, for the wages the capitalists pay. Since the capitalists make their profits by paying less in wages than the value of what the workers actually produce, the relationship between these two classes is necessarily one of irreconcilable antagonism: the capitalist class owes its very existence to the continued exploitation of the working class. What maintains this system of class rule is, in the last analysis, force. The capitalist class controls (directly or indirectiy) the means of organized violence represented by the state—policemen, jails, etc. Only by waging a revolutionary struggle aimed at the seizure of state power can the working class free itself, and, ultimately, all people.</p> <p>Feminism addresses itself to another familiar inequality. All human societies are marked by some degree of inequality between the sexes. If we survey human societies at a glance, sweeping through history and across continents, we see that they have commonly been characterized<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_007.jpg" />by: the subjugation of women to male authority, both within the family and in the community in general; the objectification of women as a form of property; a sexual division of labor in which women are confined to such activities as childraising, performing personal services for adult males and specified (usually low-prestige) forms of productive labor. </p> <p>Feminists, struck by the near-universality of these things have looked for explanations in the biological "givens" which underlie all human social existence: men are physically stronger than women on the average, especially compared to pregnant women or women who are nursing babies. Furthermore, men have the power to make women pregnant. Thus the forms that sexual inequality takes—however various they may be from culture to culture—rest, in the last analysis, on what is clearly a physical advantage males hold over females. That is to say, they rest on violence, or the threat of violence.</p> <p>The ancient, biological roots of male supremacy—the fact of male violence—are commonly obscured by the laws and conventions which regulate the relations between the sexes in any particular culture. But they are there, according to a feminist analysis. The possibility of male assault stands as a constant warning to "bad" (rebellious, aggressive) women, and drives "good" women into complicity with male supremacy. The reward for being "good" ("pretty," submissive) is protection from random male violence and, in some cases, economic security.</p> <p>I hope I have written these capsule summaries of Marxism and feminism in such a way that some similarities of approach show through. Marxism rips away the myths about "democracy" and "pluralism" to reveal a system of class rule that rests on <emph>forcible</emph> exploitation. Feminism cuts through myths about "instinct" and romantic love to expose male rule as a rule of force. Both analyses compel us to look at a fundamental injustice. If either, or both, make you uncomfortable, they were meant to! The choice is to reach for the comfort of the myths or as Marx put it, to work for a social order which does not require myths to sustain it. </p> <p>Having gone to the trouble to provide these thumbnail sketches of Marxism and feminism, the obvious thing to do would be just to add them up and call the sum "socialist feminism." In fact, this is probably how most socialist feminists operate most of the time—as a kind of hybrid, pushing feminism in socialist circles, socialism in feminist circles. Practically speaking, I think this is a perfectly reasonable way to operate a lot of the time. One trouble with leaving things like that, though, is that it keeps people wondering "Well, what is she <emph>really</emph>?" or demanding of us "What is the principal contradiction?" Such questions often stop us in our tracks: It sounds so compelling and authoritative and logical: "Make a choice! Be one or another!" Yet we know that there is a political consistency to socialist feminism. We are not hybrids or fence-sitters.</p> <p>To get to that political consistency we have to go beyond the capsule versions of Marxism and feminism I laid out. We have to differentiate ourselves, as feminists from other kinds of feminists, and as Marxists from other kinds of Marxists. We have to stake out a socialist feminist kind of feminism and a socialist feminist kind of socialism. Only then is there a possibility that things will "add up" to something more than an uneasy juxtaposition. </p> <p> First, what is our outlook as feminists and how is it different from that of other feminists? I think most radical feminists and socialist feminists would agree with my capsule characterization of feminism <emph>as far as it goes</emph>. The trouble with radical feminism from a socialist feminist point of view, is that it doesn't go any farther: it remains transfixed by the universality of male supremacy: things have never really changed; all social systems are "patriarchies"; imperialism, militarism and capitalism are all simply expressions of innate male aggressiveness. And so on. </p> <p>The problem with this is not only that it leaves out men (and the possibility of reconciliation with them on a truly human and egalitarian basis) but that it leaves out an awful lot about women. For example, to discount a socialist country such as China as a "patriarchy"—as I have heard some radical feminists do—is to ignore the real struggles and achievements of millions of women. Socialist feminists, while agreeing that there is something timeless and universal about women's oppression, have insisted that it takes different forms in different settings, and that the <emph>differences</emph> are of vital importance. There is a difference between a society in which sexism is expressed by female infanticide and a society in which sexism takes the form of unequal representation on the Central Committee. And the difference is worth dying for. </p> <p>One of the historical variations on the theme of sexism which ought to concern all feminists is the set of changes that came with the transition from an agrarian society to industrial capitalism. This is no academic issue. The social system which industrial capitalism replaced was in fact a <emph>patriarchal</emph> one, and I am using that term now in its original sense to mean a system in which production is centered in the household and is presided over by the oldest male. The fact is that industrial capitalism came along and tore the rug out from under that system: production went into the factories; individuals broke off from the family to become "free" wage earners. To say that capitalism disrupted the patriarchal organization of production and family life is not, of course, to say that capitalism abolished male supremacy! But the particular<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_008.jpg" />forms of sex oppression we experience today are, to a significant degree, <emph>recent</emph> developments. A huge historical discontinuity lies between us and true patriarchy. If we are to understand our experience as women today, we must move beyond the biological invariants of human experience to a consideration of <emph>capitalism</emph> as a system. </p> <p>There are other ways I could have gotten to the same point. I could have said simply that as feminists we are most interested in the most oppressed women—poor and working-class women, third-world women—and for <emph>that</emph> reason we are led to a need to comprehend and confront captialism. I could have said that we need to address ourselves to the class system simply because women are members of classes. But I am trying to bring out something else about our perspective: that there is no way to understand sexism as it acts on our lives—never mind class oppression for a minute!—without putting it in the historical context of capitalism. </p> <p>Now let's go on to our outlook as Marxists. Again, I think most socialist feminists would agree with my capsule summary <emph>as far as it goes</emph>. And the trouble again is that there are a lot of people (I'll call them "mechanical Marxists") who do not go any further. To these people, the only "real" and important things that go on in capitalist society are those that relate to the productive process or the conventional political sphere. From such a point of view, every other part of experience and social existence—education, sexuality, recreation, the family, art, music, housework (you name it)—is peripheral to the central dynamics of social change; it is part of the "superstructure" or "culture."</p> <p>Socialist feminists are in a very different camp. We (along with many Marxists who are not feminists) see capitalism as a social and cultural <emph>totality</emph>. We understand that, in its search for markets, capitalism is driven to penetrate every nook and cranny of social existence. Especially in the monopoly capitalism phase, the realm of consumption is every bit as important, just from an economic point of view as the realm of production. So we cannot understand class struggle as something confined to issues of wages and hours, or confined only to workplace issues. Class struggle occurs in every arena where the interests of the classes conflict, and that includes education, health, the arts, etc. We aim to transform not only the ownership of the means of production, but the totality of social existence.</p> <p>So, as Marxists, we come to feminism from a completely different place than the "mechanical Marxists." Because we see monopoly capitalism as a political/economic/cultural totality, we have room within our <emph>Marxist</emph> framework for feminist issues which have nothing ostensibly to do with production or "politics," issues that have to do with "private" life. </p> <p> Furthermore, in our brand of Marxism, there is no "woman question," no big mystery about women—because we never compartmentalized women off to the "superstructure“ in the first place. Marxists of a mechanical bent continually ponder the issue of the unwaged woman (the housewife): is she really a member of the working class? That is, does she really produce surplus value? We say, of course housewives are members of the working class—<emph>not</emph> because we have some elaborate proof that they really do produce surplus value—but because we understand a class as being composed of <emph>people</emph>, and as having a <emph>social</emph> existence quite apart from the capitalist-dominated realm of production. When we think of class in this way, then we see that in fact the women who seemed most peripheral, the housewives, are at the very heart of their class—raising children, holding together families, maintaining the culture and social networks of the community. </p> <p> So we are coming out of a kind of feminism and a kind of Marxism whose interests quite naturally flow together. I think we are in a position now to see why it is that socialist feminism has been such a great mystery. It is a paradox only as long as what you mean by socialism is really "mechanical Marxism" and what you mean by feminism is an ahistorical kind of radical feminism. These things don’t add up; they have nothing in common.</p> <p> But if you put together another kind of socialism and another kind of feminism, as I have tried to define them, you do get some common ground. And that is one of the most important things about socialist feminism today: that it is a space—free from the constrictions of a truncated kind of feminism and a truncated version of Marxism—a space in which we can develop the kind of politics that address the political/economic/cultural <emph>totality</emph> of monopoly capitalist society. We could go only so far with the available feminisms, the conventional Marxism, and then we had to break out to something that is not so restrictive and so incomplete in its view of the world. We had to take a new name, "socialist feminism," in order to assert our determination to comprehend the <emph>whole</emph> of our experience and to forge a politics that reflects the totality of that comprehension.</p> <p> At that I may have fulfilled my mission of demystifying socialist feminism, but I don't want to leave this theory as a "space" or a common ground. Things are beginning to grow in that ground. We are closer to a synthesis in our understanding of sex and class, capitalism and male domination, than we were a few years ago. Here l will indicate very sketchily one such line of thought:</p> <list> <item>1. The Marxist/feminist understanding that class and sex domination rest "ultimately" on force is correct, and this remains the most devastating critique of sexist/capitalist society. But there is a lot to that "ultimately.'' In a <pb n="7" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_009.jpg" /> day-to-day sense, most people acquiesce to sex and class domination without being held in line by the threat of violence, and often without even the threat of material deprivation. </item> <item>2. It is very important, then, to figure out what, if not the direct application of force, keeps things going. In the case of class, a great deal has been written already about why the American working class lacks militant class consciousness. Certainly ethnic divisions especially the Black/white division, are a key to the answer. But, I would argue, in addition to being divided, the working class has been socially <emph>atomized</emph>: working-class neighborhoods have been destroyed and allowed to decay; life has become increasingly privatized and inward-looking; skills once possessed by the working class have been expropriated by the capitalist class; capitalist-controlled "mass culture'' has edged out almost all indigenous working class culture and institutions. Instead of collectivity and self-reliance as a class there is mutual isolation and collective <emph>dependency</emph> on the capitalist class. </item> <item>3. The subjugation of women, in ways characteristic of late capitalist society, has been a key to this process of class atomization. To put it another way: the forces which have atomized working-class life and promoted cultural/material dependency on the capitalist class are the <emph>same</emph> forces which have served to perpetuate the subjugation of women. It is women who are most isolated in what has become an increasingly privatized family existence (even when they work outside the home too). It is, in many instances, women's skills (productive skills, healing, midwifery) which have been discredited or banned to make way for commodities. It is, above all, women who are required to be utterly passive/uncritical/dependent (i.e. "feminine") in the face of the pervasive capitalist penetration of private life. Historically, late capitalist penetration of working-class life has singled out women as prime targets of pacification (or "feminization") because <emph>women are the culture-bearers of their class</emph>. </item> <item>4. It follows that there is a fundamental interconnectedness between women's struggle and what is traditionally conceived as class struggle. Not all women's struggles have an inherently anti-capitalist thrust (particularly not those which seek only to advance the power and wealth of special groups of women), but all those which build <emph>collectivity</emph> and <emph>collective confidence</emph> among women are vitally important to the building of class consciousness. Conversely, not all class struggles have an inherently anti-sexist thrust (especially not those which cling to pre-industrial patriarchal values) but all those which seek to build the social and cultural autonomy of the working class are necessarily linked to the struggle for women's liberation.</item> </list> <p>This is one direction which socialist feminist analysis is taking. No one is expecting a synthesis to emerge which will collapse socialist and feminist struggles into the same thing. The capsule summaries I gave earlier retain their "ultimate" truth: there are crucial aspects of capitalist domination (such as racial oppression) which a purely feminist perspective simply cannot account for or deal with—without bizarre distortions, that is. There are crucial aspects of sex oppression (such as male violence within the family) into which socialist thought has little insight—again without a lot of stretching and distortion. Hence the need to continue to be socialists <emph>and</emph> feminists. But there is enough of a synthesis, both in what we think and what we do, for us to begin to develop a self-confident identity as <emph>socialist feminists</emph>. </p> </div> </body> <back> <p>Barbara Ehrenreich is the co-author, with <persName key="Deirdre English" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5252562">Deirdre English</persName>, of <title>Witches, Midwives and Nurses: A History of Women Healers</title>, and <title>Complaints and Disorders: The Sexual Politics of Sickness</title> (Feminist Press, New York). She is a member of HealthRight (a New York women's health collective), Action for Women in Chile, and New American Movement.</p> </back> </text> </TEI>
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"@id": "https://leaf-writer.leaf-vre.org", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "2.7.3" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData> </teiHeader> <text> <body> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_006.jpg"/> <div> <head> <title>Toward Socialist Feminism</title></head> <byline><persName key="Barbara Ehrenreich" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q283659">Barbara Ehrenreich</persName></byline> </div> <note type="researchNote">Versions of this article have been presented at the Socialst Feminist Conference, Yellow Springs, Ohio, July 1975; at Women's Week, Brown University, April, 1976; and in WIN (June 3, 1976) as "What is Socialist Feminism?"</note> <div> <p> At some level, perhaps not too well articulated, socialist feminism has been around for a long time. You are a woman in a capitalist society. You get pissed off: about the job, about the bills, about your husband (or ex), about the kids' school, the housework, being pretty, not being pretty, being looked at, not being looked at (and either way, not listened to), etc. If you think about all these things and how they fit together and what has to be changed, and then you look around for some words to hold all these thoughts together in abbreviated form, you'd almost have to come up with something like "<rs key="socialist feminism" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2420666" >socialist feminism</rs>." </p> <p>A lot of us came to socialist feminism in just that way: we were reaching for a word/term/ phrase that would begin to express all of our concerns, all of our principles in a way that neither "socialist" nor "feminist" seemed to. I have to admit that most socialist feminists know are not too happy with the term "socialist feminist" either. On the one hand it is too long (l have no hopes for a hyphenated mass movement); on the other hand it is much too short for what is, after all, really socialist internationalist anti-racist anti-heterosexist feminism.</p> <p>The trouble with taking a new label of any kind is that it creates an instant aura of sectarianism. "Socialist feminism" becomes a challenge, a mystery, an issue in and of itself. We have speakers, conferences, articles on "socialist feminism"—though we know perfectly well that either"socialism" or "feminism" is too huge and too inclusive to be a subject for any sensible speech, conference, or article. People, including avowed socialist feminists, ask themselves anxiously, "What is socialist feminism?" There is a kind of expectation that it is (or is about to be at any moment, maybe in the next speech, conference or article) a brilliant synthesis of world historical proportions—an evolutionary leap beyond <persName key="Karl Marx" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9061" >Marx</persName>, <persName key="Sigmund Freud" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q9215">Freud</persName> and <persName key="Mary Wollstonecraft" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q101638" >Wollstonecraft</persName>. Or that it will turn out to be nothing, a fad seized on by a few disgruntied feminists and female socialists, a temporary distraction.</p> <p>I want to try to cut through some of the mystery which has grown up around socialist feminism. Here I am going to focus on our "theory"—the way we look at and analyze the world. I am not going to deal with our total outlook as socialist feminists because I want to stick as closely as possible to the interface of the two main traditions we grow out of—socialism and feminism. </p> <p> A logical way to start is to look at socialism and feminism separately. How does a socialist—more precisely a <rs key="Marxist" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q12716775">Marxist</rs>—look at the world? How does a <rs key="feminist" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q34074720">feminist</rs> look at the world? To begin with, Marxism and feminism have something important in common: they are critical ways of looking at the world. Both rip away popular mythology and "common-sense wisdom“ and force us to look at experience in a new way. Both seek to understand the world—not in terms of static balances and symmetries (as in conventional social science), but in terms of antagonisms. So they lead to conclusions which are jarring and disturbing at the same time that they are liberating. There is no way to have a Marxist or a feminist outlook and remain a spectator. To understand the reality laid bare by these analyses is to move into action to change it.</p> <p>Here I am going to restrict myself to what I see as the core insights of <rs key="Marxism" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7264">Marxism</rs> and <rs key="feminism" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7252">feminism</rs>, and state these as briefly and starkly as possible: Marxism (in 20 words or less) addresses itself to the class dynamics of capitalist society. Every social scientist knows that capitalist societies are characterized by more or less severe, systemic inequality. Marxism understands this inequality to arise from processes which are intrinsic to <rs key="capitalism" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6206">capitalism</rs> as an economic system. A minority of people (the capitalist class) own all the factories/ energy sources/resources on which everyone else depends in order to live. The great majority (the working class) must, out of sheer necessity work, under conditions set by the capitalists, for the wages the capitalists pay. Since the capitalists make their profits by paying less in wages than the value of what the workers actually produce, the relationship between these two classes is necessarily one of irreconcilable antagonism: the capitalist class owes its very existence to the continued exploitation of the working class. What maintains this system of class rule is, in the last analysis, force. The capitalist class controls (directly or indirectiy) the means of organized violence represented by the state—policemen, jails, etc. Only by waging a revolutionary struggle aimed at the seizure of state power can the working class free itself, and, ultimately, all people.</p> <p>Feminism addresses itself to another familiar inequality. All human societies are marked by some degree of inequality between the sexes. If we survey human societies at a glance, sweeping through history and across continents, we see that they have commonly been characterized<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_007.jpg" />by: the subjugation of women to male authority, both within the family and in the community in general; the objectification of women as a form of property; a sexual division of labor in which women are confined to such activities as childraising, performing personal services for adult males and specified (usually low-prestige) forms of productive labor. Feminists, struck by the near-universality of these things have looked for explanations in the biological "givens“ which underlie all human social existence: men are physically stronger than women on the average, especially compared to pregnant women or women who are nursing babies. Furthermore, men have the power to make women pregnant. Thus the forms that sexual inequality takes—however various they may be from culture to culture—rest, in the last analysis, on what is clearly a physical advantage males hold over females. That is to say, they rest on violence, or the threat of violence.</p> <p>The ancient, biological roots of male supremacy—the fact of male violence—are commonly obscured by the laws and conventions which regulate the relations between the sexes in any particular culture. But they are there, according to a feminist analysis. The possibility of male assault stands as a constant warning to "bad" (rebellious aggressive) women, and drives "good" women into complicity with male supremacy. The reward for being "good" ("pretty," submissive) is protection from random male violence and, in some cases, economic security.</p> <p>I hope I have written these capsule summaries of Marxism and feminism in such a way that some similarities of approach show through. Marxism rips away the myths about "democracy" and "pluralism" to reveal a system of class rule that rests on forcible exploitation. Feminism cuts through myths about "instinct" and romantic love to expose male rule as a rule of force. Both analyses compel us to look at a fundamental injustice. If either, or both, make you uncomfortable, they were meant to! The choice is to reach for the comfort of the myths or as Marx put it, to work for a social order which does not require myths to sustain it. Having gone to the trouble to provide these thumbnail sketches of Marxism and feminism, the obvious thing to do would be just to add them up and call the sum "socialist feminism." In fact, this is probably how most socialist feminists operate most of the time—as a kind of hybrid, pushing feminism in socialist circles, socialism in feminist circles. Practically speaking, I think this is a perfectly reasonable way to operate a lot of the time. One trouble with leaving things like that, though, is that it keeps people wondering "Well, what is she really?" or demanding of us "What is the principal contradiction?" Such questions often stop us in our tracks: It sounds so compelling and authoritative and logical: "Make a choice! Be one or another!" Yet we know that there is a political consistency to socialist feminism. We are not hybrids or fence-sitters.</p> <p>To get to that political consistency we have to go beyond the capsule versions of Marxism and feminism I laid out. We have to differentiate ourselves, as feminists from other kinds of feminists, and as Marxists from other kinds of Marxists. We have to stake out a socialist feminist kind of feminism and a socialist feminist kind of socialism. Only then is there a possibility that things will "add up" to something more than an uneasy juxtaposition. </p> <p> First, what is our outlook as feminists and how is it different from that of other feminists? I think most radical feminists and socialist feminists would agree with my capsule characteriza- tion of feminism as far as it goes. The trouble with <rs key="radical feminism" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2914207">radical feminism</rs> from a socialist feminist point of view, is that it doesn’t go any farther: it remains transfixed by the universality of male supremacy: things have never really changed; all social systems are "patriarchies“; imperialism, militarism and capitalism are all simply expressions of innate male aggressiveness. And so on. </p> <p>The problem with this is not only that it leaves out men (and the possibility of reconciliation with them on a truly human and egalitarian basis) but that it leaves out an awful lot about women. For example to discount a socialist country such as <placeName key="China" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q29520" >China</placeName> as a "patriarchy"—as have heard some radical feminists do—is to ignore the real struggles and achievements of millions of women. Socialist feminists while agreeing that there is something timeless and universal about women's oppression, have insisted that it takes different forms in different settings, and that the differences are of vital importance. There is a difference between a society in which sexism is expressed by female infanticide and a society in which sexism takes the form of unequal representation on the Central Committee. And the difference is worth dying for. </p> <p>One of the historical variations on the theme of sexism which ought to concern all feminists is the set of changes that came with the transition from an agrarian society to industrial capitalism. This is no academic issue. The social system which industrial capitalism replaced was in fact a patriarchal one, and I am using that term now in its original sense to mean a system in which production is centered in the household and is presided over by the oldest male. The fact is that industrial capitalism came along and tore the rug out from under that system: production went into the factories; individuals broke off from the family to become "free" wage earners. To say that capitalism disrupted the patriarchal organization of production and family life is not, of course, to say that capital- ism abolished male supremacy! But the particular<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_008.jpg" />forms of sex oppression we experience today are, to a significant degree, recent developments. A huge historical discontinuity lies between us and true patriarchy. If we are to understand our experience as women today, we must move beyond the biological invariants of human experience to a consideration of capitalism as a system. </p> <p>There are other ways I could have gotten to the same point. I could have said simply that as feminists we are most interested in the most oppressed women—poor and working-class women, third-world women—and for that reason we are led to a need to comprehend and confront captialism. I could have said that we need to address ourselves to the class system simply because women are members of classes But I am trying to bring out something else about our perspective: that there is no way to understand sexism as it acts on our lives—never mind class oppression for a minute—without putting it in the historical context of capitalism. </p> <p>Now let'cs go on to our outlook as Marxists. Again, I think most socialist feminists would agree with my capsule summary as far as it goes. And the trouble again is that there are a lot of people (I'll call them "mechanical Marxists") who do not go any further. To these people, the only "real" and important things that go on in capitalist society are those that relate to the productive process or the conventional political sphere. From such a point of view, every other part of experience and social existence—education, sexuality, recreation, the family, art, music, housework (you name it)—is peripheral to the central dynamics of social change; it is part of the "superstructure" or "culture."</p> <p>Socialist feminists are in a very different camp. We (along with many Marxists who are not feminists) see capitalism as a social and cultural totality. We understand that, in its search for markets, capitalism is driven to penetrate every nook and cranny of social existence. Especially in the monopoly capitalism phase, the realm of consumption is every bit as important, just from an economic point of view as the realm of production. So we cannot understand class struggle as something confined to issues of wages and hours, or confined only to workplace issues. Class struggle occurs in every arena where the interests of the classes conflict, and that includes education, health, the arts, etc. We aim to transform not only the ownership of the means of production, but the totality of social existence.</p> <p>So, as Marxists, we come to feminism from a completely different place than the "mechanical Marxists." Because we see monopoly capitalism as a political/economic/cultural totality, we have room within our Marxist framework for feminist issues which have nothing ostensibly to do with production or "politics " issues that have to do with "private" life. </p> <p> Furthermore, in our brand of Marxism, there is no "woman question," no big mystery about women—because we never compartmentalized women off to the "superstructure“ in the first place. Marxists of a mechanical bent continually ponder the issue of the unwaged woman (the housewife): is she really a member of the working class? That is, does she really produce surplus value? We say, of course housewives are members of the working class—not because we have some elaborate proof that they really do produce surplus value–but because we understand a class as being composed of people, and as having a social existence quite apart from the capitalist-dominated realm of production. When we think of class in this way, then we see that in fact the women who seemed most peripheral the housewives are at the very heart of their class—raising children, holding together families, maintaining the culture and social networks of the community. So we are coming out of a kind of feminism and a kind of Marxism whose interests quite naturally flow together. I think we are in a position now to see why it is that socialist feminism has been such a great mystery. It is a paradox only as long as what you mean by socialism is really "mechanical Marxism" and what you mean by feminism is an ahistorical kind of radical feminism. These things don’t add up; they have nothing in common. But if you put together another kind of socialism and another kind of feminism, as I have tried to define them, you do get some common ground. And that is one of the most important things about socialist feminism today: that it is a space—free from the constrictions of a truncated kind of feminism and a truncated version of Marxism—a space in which we can develop the kind of politics that address the political/ economic/cultural totality of monopoly capitalist society. We could go only so far with the available feminisms, the conventional Marxism, and then we had to break out to something that is not so restrictive and so incomplete in its view of the world. We had to take a new name, socialist feminism," in order to assert our determination to comprehend the whole of our experience and to forge a politics that reflects the totality of that comprehension. At that I may have fulfilled my mission of demystifying socialist feminism, but I don't want to leave this theory as a "space" or a common ground. Things are beginning to grow in that ground. We are closer to a synthesis in our understanding of sex and class capitalism and male domination, than we were a few years ago. Here l will indicate very sketchily one such line of thought:</p> <list> <item>1. The Marxist/feminist understanding that class and sex domination rest "ultimately" on force is correct, and this remains the most devastating critique of sexist/capitalist society. But there is a lot to that "ultimately." In a <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_009.jpg" /> day-to-day sense, most people acquiesce to sex and class domination without being held in line by the threat of violence, and often without even the threat of material deprivation. </item> <item>2. It is very important, then, to figure out what, if not the direct application of force, keeps things going. In the case of class a great deal has been written already about why the American working class lacks militant class consciousness. Certainly ethnic divisions especially the Black/white division, are a key to the answer. But, I would argue, in addition to being divided, the working class has been socially atomized: working-class neighborhoods have been destroyed and allowed to decay; life has become increasingly privatized and inward-looking; skills once possessed by the working class have been expropriated by the capitalist class; capitalist-controlled "mass culture“ has edged out almost all indigenous working-class culture and institutions. Instead of collectivity and self-reliance as a class there is mutual isolation and collective dependency on the capitalist class. </item> <item>3. The subjugation of women, in ways characteristic of late capitalist society, has been a key to this process of class atomization. To put it another way: the forces which have atomized working-class life and promoted cultural/material dependency on the capitalist class are the same forces which have served to perpetuate the subjugation of women. It is women who are most isolated in what has become an increasingly privatized family existence (even when they work outside the home too). It is, in many instances women's skills (productive skills, healing, midwifery) which have been discredited or banned to make way for commodities. It is, above all, women who are required to be utterly passive/uncritical/dependent (i.e. "feminine") in the face of the pervasive capitalist penetration of private life. Historically, late capitalist penetration of working-class life has singled out women as prime targets of pacification (or "feminization") because women are the culture-bearers of their class. </item> <item>4. It follows that there is a fundamental interconnectedness between women's struggle and what is traditionally conceived as class struggle. Not all women's struggles have an inherently anti-capitalist thrust (particularly not those which seek only to advance the power and wealth of special groups of women), but all those which build collectivity and collective confidence among women are vitally important to the building of class consciousness. Conversely, not all class struggles have an inherently anti-sexist thrust (especially not those which cling to pre-industrial patriarchal values) but all those which seek to build the social and cultural autonomy of the working class are necessarily linked to the struggle for women's liberation.</item> </list> <p>This is one direction which socialist feminist analysis is taking. No one is expecting a synthesis to emerge which will collapse socialist and feminist struggles into the same thing. The capsule summaries I gave earlier retain their "ultimate" truth: there are crucial aspects of capitalist domination (such as racial oppression) which a purely feminist perspective simply cannot account for or deal with—without bizarre distortions, that is. There are crucial aspects of sex oppression (such as male violence within the family) into which socialist thought has little insight—again without a lot of stretching and distortion. Hence the need to continue to be socialists and feminists. But there is enough of a synthesis, both in what we think and what we do, for us to begin to develop a self-confident identity as socialist feminists. </p> </div> </body> <back> <p>Barbara Ehrenreich is the co-author, with <persName key="Deirdre English" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5252562">Deirdre English</persName>, of <title>Witches, Midwives and Nurses: A History of Women Healers</title>, and <title>Complaints and Disorders: The Sexual Politics of Sickness</title> (<orgName key="The Feminist Press" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7733667" >Feminist Press</orgName>, New York). She is a member of <orgName key="HealthRight International" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5690411" >HealthRight</orgName> (a New York women's health collective), <orgName key="Action for Women in Chile (Organization)" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/311777889/">Action for Women in Chile</orgName>, and <orgName key="New American Movement" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7005316">New American Movement</orgName>.</p> </back> </text> </TEI>
