Tallow Chandlers’ Wardens’ Account Book, 1557-59 Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/REEDLondon/documentation/main/rlo_leaf.css"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title type="main">REED London Online</title> <funder> <orgName>Andrew W. Mellon Foundation<address> <addrLine>140 E. 62nd Street</addrLine> <addrLine>New York, NY 1006</addrLine> <addrLine>United States of America</addrLine> </address> </orgName> <date from-iso="2018-01-01" to-iso="2018-12-31">NHPRC-Mellon Planning Grant</date> <date from-iso="2020-01-01" to-iso="2023-12-31">NHPRC-Mellon Implementation Grant</date> </funder> <!-- The following persons participated in the third phase of REED London Online --> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="JAKA1">Diane K. Jakacki</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>Principal Investigator, REED London Online</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Rachel Milio</persName> <resp>Senior Research Associate</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tracey Hill</persName> <resp>Editor, REED: Civic 1559-1642</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following additional persons participated in the second phase of REED London Online, funded by an NHPRC-Andrew W. Mellon Digital Edition Publishing Cooperatives Implementation Grant, 2020-22 --> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="CB">Carolyn Black</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Project Manager, REED</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2022</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Susan Brown</persName> <orgName>University of Guelph</orgName> <resp>Lead Investigator, Canadian Writing Research Collaboratory (CWRC)</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kathy Chung</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate, 2018-2021</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="JC">James Cummings</persName> <orgName>Newcastle University</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tanya Hagen</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Bibliographer</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mihaela Ilovan</persName> <orgName>CWRC</orgName> <resp>Project Manager, CWRC</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sally-Beth MacLean</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Director of Research and General Editor</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kim Martin</persName> <orgName>University of Guelph</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2019</resp> <resp>Linked Data Consultant</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Rachel Millio</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <orgName>University of Crete</orgName> <resp>Research Associate, 2018-Present</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Illya Nokhrin</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Charlotte Simon</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>Research Assistant, 2018-2022</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following additional persons participated in the first phase of REED London, funded by an NHPRC-Andrew W. Mellon Digital Edition Publishing Cooperatives Planning Grant, 2018 --> <respStmt> <persName>John Bradley</persName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kathy Chung</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate, NHPRC-Mellon Project Consultant, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Matthew Davies</persName> <orgName>University of London, Birkbeck College</orgName> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>David Kathman</persName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maureen Maclean</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>REED London Research Assistant, 2018-2020</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Christopher Matusiak</persName> <orgName>Ithaca College</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Dorothy Porter</persName> <orgName>University of Pennsylvania</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Suzanne Westfall</persName> <orgName>Lafayette College</orgName> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board Member</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following persons are editors of REED print collections considered in REED London Online --> <respStmt> <persName>John R. Elliott Jr.</persName> <resp>Editor, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mary C. Erler</persName> <resp>Editor, Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anne Lancashire</persName> <resp>Editor, Civic London to 1558</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Alan H. Nelson</persName> <resp>Editor, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following persons were REED directors and editorial staff involved in the print publication of Civic London to 1558, Ecclesiastical London, and Inns of Court --> <respStmt> <persName>Carolyn Black</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Jason Boyd</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Patrons Researcher, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Patrick Gregory</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor, Civic London to 1558 and Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tanya Hagen</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Bibliographer</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Alexandra F. Johnston</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Director</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Milton Kooistra</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Bibliographer, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maria Lau</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Typesetter, Civic London to 1558 and Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sally-Beth MacLean</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Director/Executive Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Gord Oxley</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Typesetter, Civic London to 1558 and Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Arleane Ralph</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor, Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Abigail Ann Young</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor</resp> </respStmt> </titleStmt> <editionStmt> <edition>version 3, released <date when-iso="2023-09-01">1 September 2023</date></edition> </editionStmt> <publicationStmt> <authority> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <address> <addrLine>University of Toronto</addrLine> <addrLine>170 St George Street, Suite 810</addrLine> <addrLine>Toronto, Ontario, Canada</addrLine> <addrLine>M5R 2M8</addrLine> </address> </authority> <availability> <licence target="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <seriesStmt> <title>Records of Early English Drama</title> </seriesStmt> <sourceDesc> <p>This publication constitutes a remediation of the printed REED collections - Inns of Court, Ecclesiastical London, and Civic London to 1558. Information on original sources for transcriptions can be accessed via the Document Descriptions. Copyright for transcriptions remains with those print collections.<listBibl> <biblStruct> <monogr> <title>Ecclesiastical London</title> <editor> <persName> <forename>Mary</forename> <addName>C.</addName> <surname>Erler</surname> </persName> </editor> <imprint> <publisher>University of Toronto Press and The British Library.</publisher> <date>2008</date> </imprint> <biblScope unit="page">504</biblScope> <extent> <idno type="ISBN">978-0-8020-9858-0</idno> <idno type="ISBN">978-0-7123-5024-2</idno> </extent> </monogr> </biblStruct> <biblStruct> <monogr> <title>Inns of Court</title> <editor> <persName> <forename>Alan</forename> <addName>H.</addName> <surname>Nelson</surname> </persName> </editor> <editor> <persName> <forename>John</forename> <addName>R.</addName> <surname>Elliott, Jr</surname> </persName> </editor> <imprint> <publisher>Boydell & Brewer</publisher> <date>2010</date> </imprint> <biblScope unit="page" n="1174">1174</biblScope> <biblScope unit="volume">3</biblScope> <biblScope> <idno type="ISBN">978-1-84384-259-0</idno> </biblScope> </monogr> </biblStruct> <biblStruct> <monogr> <title>Civic London to 1558</title> <editor> <persName> <forename>Ann</forename> <surname>Lancashire</surname> </persName> </editor> <editor> <persName> <forename>David</forename> <addName>J.</addName> <surname>Parkinson</surname> </persName> </editor> <imprint> <publisher>Boydell & Brewer</publisher> <date>2015</date> </imprint> <biblScope unit="volume">3</biblScope> <biblScope unit="page">1795</biblScope> <biblScope> <idno type="ISBN">978-1-84384-399-3</idno> </biblScope> </monogr> </biblStruct> </listBibl> </p> </sourceDesc> </fileDesc> <xenoData><rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:rdfs="http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#" xmlns:as="http://www.w3.org/ns/activitystreams#" xmlns:cwrc="http://sparql.cwrc.ca/ontologies/cwrc#" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/" xmlns:foaf="http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/" xmlns:geo="http://www.geonames.org/ontology#" xmlns:oa="http://www.w3.org/ns/oa#" xmlns:schema="http://schema.org/" xmlns:xsd="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema#" xmlns:fabio="https://purl.org/spar/fabio#" xmlns:bf="http://www.openlinksw.com/schemas/bif#" xmlns:cito="https://sparontologies.github.io/cito/current/cito.html#" xmlns:org="http://www.w3.org/ns/org#"/></xenoData><encodingDesc> <projectDesc> <p>Records of Early English Drama (REED) is an international scholarly project that is establishing for the first time the context from which the drama of Shakespeare and his contemporaries grew. 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repositories and record types as project expands.</change> </revisionDesc> </teiHeader> <text type="document"> <body> <div type="record_set"> <head> <title>6 August 1557–6 August 1559</title></head> <div type="record" xml:lang="en"> <head> <supplied>f 68v (Wardens accounts payments for election day feast)</supplied> </head> <pb type="folio" n="68v"/> <gap reason="omitted"/> <ab><note type="margin">Mynstrell<ex>es</ex> & players</note>] <table> <row> <cell>Paid to the mynstrell<ex>es</ex></cell> <cell>viij s.</cell> </row> <row> <cell>paid more with the consent of the maisters of oure companie to the said mynstrell<ex>es</ex> in rewarde for mondaie</cell> <cell>iij s. iiij d.</cell> </row> <row> <cell>paid to the Boyes of the hospital for the playe on mondaie</cell> <cell>v s.</cell> </row> </table> </ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> <div type="record" xml:lang="en"> <head> <supplied>f 69v (Inventory of goods in the hall dated 28 September 1559)</supplied> <title rend="center">In the parlor</title> </head> <pb type="folio" n="69v"/> <label cert="high" place="top" rend="center" xml:space="default"><title>In the parlour</title></label><gap reason="omitted"/> <ab> ij olde bancars lyned</ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> <list> <item>A Targett with the Armys of the haul</item> <item>A squytchen w<ex>i</ex>th iij tirtle doves</item> </list> <gap reason="omitted"/> <label cert="high" place="top" rend="center" xml:space="default"><title rend="center">In the haull</title></label> <gap reason="omitted"/> <list> <item>A gilt Beame w<ex>i</ex>th v latyn candilstick<ex>es</ex> w<ex>i</ex>th the ymage of o<ex>ur</ex> lady and A Tirtle dove w<ex>i</ex>th iiij latyn cheynes longe or short, </item><item>ij Clothes, the one of the ymage of the Assumpcion of o<ex>ur</ex> ladie and the other of oure ladie and Seynt Elizabeth,</item> <item>A Gylded lyon of woodd</item> <item>xiiij Targett<ex>es</ex> great and small,</item> </list> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> <div type="record" xml:lang="en"> <head><supplied>(f 70r) In the court house</supplied></head> <pb type="folio" n="70r"/> <gap reason="omitted"/> <list> <item>A chest wherein are iiij disgysed cott<ex>es</ex> of canves with iij hood<ex>es</ex> for correction</item> <item>iiij Streymers of reee silke</item> <item>iij flagg<ex>es</ex> of Silk good and bade</item> <item>ij Streymers grene, the one of the picture of Seynt Peter and the other of the Armys of London of the gifte of M<ex>aste</ex>r John Mery</item> <item>iiij small flagg<ex>es</ex> </item> <item>vij small pensell<ex>es</ex> </item> </list> <gap reason="omitted"/> <label cert="high" place="top" rend="center" xml:space="default"><title>In the yarde</title></label> <gap reason="omitted"/> <list> <item>v pec<ex>es</ex> of tymber for the companie to stonde vppon at eu<ex>er</ex>y tryomphe,</item> <item>vj banner Staves good and badde,</item> </list> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> <div type="record" xml:lang="en"> <head><supplied>f 72r (Orders in the time of the 1557-59 wardens. 11 July 1559)</supplied></head> <pb type="folio" n="72r"/> <gap reason="omitted"/> <ab>This daie it was agreed that whereas of olde tyme there hathe byne no more but v s. Allowed to the mynstrell<ex>es</ex> of the Election dynner daie/ the m<ex>aste</ex>r Wardens & Assistauntis thynke yt good & be so determined that the mynstrell<ex>es</ex> shall haue for the election dynner daie nowe next com<ex>m</ex>ynge -x s.</ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> <div type="bibliography"> <bibl> <title>Tallow Chandlers’ Wardens’ Account Book, 1549-1585</title> <idno from="1549" to="1585" corresp="#london-metropolitan-archives">LMA: CLC/L/TC/D/001/MS06152/001</idno> </bibl> </div> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>
Bakers' Company Court Minutes 1560-1 Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/REEDLondon/documentation/main/rlo_leaf.css"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title type="main">REED London Online</title> <funder> <orgName>Andrew W. Mellon Foundation<address> <addrLine>140 E. 62nd Street</addrLine> <addrLine>New York, NY 1006</addrLine> <addrLine>United States of America</addrLine> </address> </orgName> <date from-iso="2018-01-01" to-iso="2018-12-31">NHPRC-Mellon Planning Grant</date> <date from-iso="2020-01-01" to-iso="2023-12-31">NHPRC-Mellon Implementation Grant</date> </funder> <!-- The following persons participated in the third phase of REED London Online --> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="JAKA1">Diane K. Jakacki</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>Principal Investigator, REED London Online</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Rachel Milio</persName> <resp>Senior Research Associate</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tracey Hill</persName> <resp>Editor, REED: Civic 1559-1642</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following additional persons participated in the second phase of REED London Online, funded by an NHPRC-Andrew W. Mellon Digital Edition Publishing Cooperatives Implementation Grant, 2020-22 --> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="CB">Carolyn Black</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Project Manager, REED</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2022</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Susan Brown</persName> <orgName>University of Guelph</orgName> <resp>Lead Investigator, Canadian Writing Research Collaboratory (CWRC)</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kathy Chung</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate, 2018-2021</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="JC">James Cummings</persName> <orgName>Newcastle University</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tanya Hagen</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Bibliographer</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mihaela Ilovan</persName> <orgName>CWRC</orgName> <resp>Project Manager, CWRC</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sally-Beth MacLean</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Director of Research and General Editor</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kim Martin</persName> <orgName>University of Guelph</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2019</resp> <resp>Linked Data Consultant</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Rachel Millio</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <orgName>University of Crete</orgName> <resp>Research Associate, 2018-Present</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Illya Nokhrin</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Charlotte Simon</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>Research Assistant, 2018-2022</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following additional persons participated in the first phase of REED London, funded by an NHPRC-Andrew W. Mellon Digital Edition Publishing Cooperatives Planning Grant, 2018 --> <respStmt> <persName>John Bradley</persName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kathy Chung</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate, NHPRC-Mellon Project Consultant, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Matthew Davies</persName> <orgName>University of London, Birkbeck College</orgName> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>David Kathman</persName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maureen Maclean</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>REED London Research Assistant, 2018-2020</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Christopher Matusiak</persName> <orgName>Ithaca College</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Dorothy Porter</persName> <orgName>University of Pennsylvania</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Suzanne Westfall</persName> <orgName>Lafayette College</orgName> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board Member</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following persons are editors of REED print collections considered in REED London Online --> <respStmt> <persName>John R. Elliott Jr.</persName> <resp>Editor, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mary C. Erler</persName> <resp>Editor, Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anne Lancashire</persName> <resp>Editor, Civic London to 1558</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Alan H. Nelson</persName> <resp>Editor, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following persons were REED directors and editorial staff involved in the print publication of Civic London to 1558, Ecclesiastical London, and Inns of Court --> <respStmt> <persName>Carolyn Black</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Jason Boyd</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Patrons Researcher, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Patrick Gregory</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor, Civic London to 1558 and Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tanya Hagen</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Bibliographer</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Alexandra F. Johnston</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Director</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Milton Kooistra</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Bibliographer, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maria Lau</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Typesetter, Civic London to 1558 and Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sally-Beth MacLean</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Director/Executive Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Gord Oxley</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Typesetter, Civic London to 1558 and Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Arleane Ralph</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor, Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Abigail Ann Young</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor</resp> </respStmt> </titleStmt> <editionStmt> <edition>version 3, released <date when-iso="2023-09-01">1 September 2023</date></edition> </editionStmt> <publicationStmt> <authority> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <address> <addrLine>University of Toronto</addrLine> <addrLine>170 St George Street, Suite 810</addrLine> <addrLine>Toronto, Ontario, Canada</addrLine> <addrLine>M5R 2M8</addrLine> </address> </authority> <availability> <licence target="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <seriesStmt> <title>Records of Early English Drama</title> </seriesStmt> <sourceDesc> <p>This publication constitutes a remediation of the printed REED collections - Inns of Court, Ecclesiastical London, and Civic London to 1558. Information on original sources for transcriptions can be accessed via the Document Descriptions. 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repositories and record types as project expands.</change> </revisionDesc> </teiHeader> <text type="record"> <body> <div type="record_set"> <head> <title>Bakers’ Company Court Minutes, 1537-61</title></head> <bibl>LMA: CLC/L/BA/B/001/MS05177/001</bibl> <div type="record"> <head> <supplied>f 167r (<date when="1560-05-07">7th May 1560</date>)</supplied> </head> <pb type="folio" n="167r"/> <gap reason="omitted"/> <ab>At this court by thassent of the said persones, <persName cert="high" type="real">Thomas Harryson</persName> one of the whiflers at the <eventName>quenys nythe</eventName> is paid for his paynes <measure cert="high" unit="m" xml:space="default" type="currency">iij s. iiij d.</measure></ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> <div type="record"> <head> <supplied>f 171r (<date when="1560-10-23">23rd October 1560</date>)</supplied> </head> <pb type="folio" n="171r"/> <ab type="marginal_heading">Stewardes ayenst <eventName>the Mayres ffeast</eventName> }</ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> <ab><persName>John Myshame</persName> <persName>Henry Awsten</persName> and <persName>John Moreton</persName> and <persName>William Healy</persName> paide to theym - <measure cert="high" type="currency" unit="m" xml:space="default">xl s</measure>.<lb/> <del>Humfrey Store</del> </ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>
Image - Name Brewers' Wardens' Accounts, 1560-1 Brewers' Wardens' Accounts, 1560-1 Image - Name Brewers' Wardens' Accounts, 1560-1 Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?> <?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://purl.oclc.org/dsdl/schematron"?> <?xml-stylesheet type="css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/REEDLondon/documentation/main/rlo_leaf.css"?> <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title type="main">REED London Online</title> <funder> <orgName>Andrew W. 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repositories and record types as project expands.</change> </revisionDesc> </teiHeader> <text type="record"> <body> <div type="record_set"> <head> <title>Brewers’ Wardens’ Accounts, 1547-62 - 29 September 1560-29 September 1561</title> </head> <bibl>LMA: CLC/L/BF/D/001/MS05442/003</bibl> <div type="record"> <head> <supplied>f 142r (Payments)</supplied> </head> <pb type="folio" n="142r"/> <gap reason="omitted"/> <table> <row> <cell>Item delyvered vnto Roberte ley, Nicholas Caluerley Stewardes for our dener the morrowe after Symon & Jude</cell> <cell>vli.</cell> </row> <row> <cell>Item for the hyre of our barge &c</cell> <cell>xxxiij s. iiij d.</cell> </row> </table> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>
Armourers' and Brasiers': 1560 Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/REEDLondon/documentation/main/rlo_leaf.css"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title type="main">REED London Online</title> <funder> <orgName>Andrew W. 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Mellon Digital Edition Publishing Cooperatives Implementation Grant, 2020-22 --> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="CB">Carolyn Black</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Project Manager, REED</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2022</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Susan Brown</persName> <orgName>University of Guelph</orgName> <resp>Lead Investigator, Canadian Writing Research Collaboratory (CWRC)</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kathy Chung</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate, 2018-2021</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName xml:id="JC">James Cummings</persName> <orgName>Newcastle University</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tanya Hagen</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Bibliographer</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mihaela Ilovan</persName> <orgName>CWRC</orgName> <resp>Project Manager, CWRC</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sally-Beth MacLean</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Director of Research and General Editor</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2023</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kim Martin</persName> <orgName>University of Guelph</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018-2019</resp> <resp>Linked Data Consultant</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Rachel Millio</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <orgName>University of Crete</orgName> <resp>Research Associate, 2018-Present</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Illya Nokhrin</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Charlotte Simon</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>Research Assistant, 2018-2022</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following additional persons participated in the first phase of REED London, funded by an NHPRC-Andrew W. Mellon Digital Edition Publishing Cooperatives Planning Grant, 2018 --> <respStmt> <persName>John Bradley</persName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kathy Chung</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>REED Research Associate, NHPRC-Mellon Project Consultant, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Matthew Davies</persName> <orgName>University of London, Birkbeck College</orgName> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>David Kathman</persName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maureen Maclean</persName> <orgName>Bucknell University</orgName> <resp>REED London Research Assistant, 2018-2020</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Christopher Matusiak</persName> <orgName>Ithaca College</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Dorothy Porter</persName> <orgName>University of Pennsylvania</orgName> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Suzanne Westfall</persName> <orgName>Lafayette College</orgName> <resp>Records of Early English Drama (REED) Executive Board Member</resp> <resp>NHPRC-Mellon Project Team Member, 2018</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following persons are editors of REED print collections considered in REED London Online --> <respStmt> <persName>John R. Elliott Jr.</persName> <resp>Editor, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mary C. Erler</persName> <resp>Editor, Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anne Lancashire</persName> <resp>Editor, Civic London to 1558</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Alan H. Nelson</persName> <resp>Editor, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <!-- The following persons were REED directors and editorial staff involved in the print publication of Civic London to 1558, Ecclesiastical London, and Inns of Court --> <respStmt> <persName>Carolyn Black</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Jason Boyd</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Patrons Researcher, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Patrick Gregory</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor, Civic London to 1558 and Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Tanya Hagen</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Bibliographer</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Alexandra F. Johnston</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Director</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Milton Kooistra</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Bibliographer, Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maria Lau</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Typesetter, Civic London to 1558 and Inns of Court</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sally-Beth MacLean</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Director/Executive Editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Gord Oxley</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Typesetter, Civic London to 1558 and Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Arleane Ralph</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor, Ecclesiastical London</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Abigail Ann Young</persName> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <resp>Associate Editor</resp> </respStmt> </titleStmt> <editionStmt> <edition>version 3, released <date when-iso="2023-09-01">1 September 2023</date></edition> </editionStmt> <publicationStmt> <authority> <orgName>Records of Early English Drama (REED)</orgName> <address> <addrLine>University of Toronto</addrLine> <addrLine>170 St George Street, Suite 810</addrLine> <addrLine>Toronto, Ontario, Canada</addrLine> <addrLine>M5R 2M8</addrLine> </address> </authority> <availability> <licence target="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <seriesStmt> <title>Records of Early English Drama</title> </seriesStmt> <sourceDesc> <p>This publication constitutes a remediation of the printed REED collections - Inns of Court, Ecclesiastical London, and Civic London to 1558. 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be mayde of cloth<lb/> Also at the same court it was condecendyd and agred that a neu flagge shall be made agaynst my <persName key="William Chester" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q15637748" cert="high" type="real">lorde mayor</persName> take <eventName>hys oythe</eventName></ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> <div type="record"> <head> <supplied>p 36 (1560)</supplied> </head> <pb type="page" n="36"/> <gap reason="omitted"/> <ab>The gyft of <persName cert="medium" evidence="internal" full="yes" instant="unknown" xml:space="default">Mystris Fysche</persName> to our hall<lb/> Remembrance that Mystris Fysshe the Wyffe of <persName cert="medium" type="real">thomas Fyshe</persName> barbersurgion hath geven allwayes vnto owre haull during her lyf at the daye that the <persName key="William Chester" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q15637748" cert="high">lorde maior of london</persName> takes <eventName>his othe</eventName> a C of wardens for the Master to be spent at that dener geven furst vnto <persName type="real">Roger tyndaull</persName> beginninge when m<ex>aste</ex>r william chester lorde maior toke his othe <del>g</del> provydyd allwayes that warninge mvst be geben vnto hyr or elles vnto Roger tyndall vnto when she dyd furst geve the same - </ab> <gap reason="omitted"/> </div> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>
Image - Name Art Hysterical Notions of Progress and Culture Art Hysterical Notions of Progress and Culture Image - Name Art Hysterical Notions of Progress and Culture Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/CSS/heresies_cwrc.css"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>Art Hysterical Notions of Progress and Culture</title> <author>Jaudon, Valerie</author> <author>Kozloff, Joyce</author> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor (2021- Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lyndon Beier</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mia DeRoco</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2021)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Zoha Nadeer</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-23)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Carrie Pirmann</persName> <resp>HTR editor, encoder (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Ricky Rodriguez</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lucy Wadswoth</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anna Marie Wingard</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>[ISSUE TITLE]</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. 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<text> <body> <div cert="high" org="composite" part="Y" sample="initial" type="essay" xml:space="default"> <!-- challenge --> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_041.jpg" n="41" xml:id="img_0041"/> <head><title>"ART HYSTERICAL NOTIONS" OF PROGRESS AND CULTURE</title></head> <byline><persName key="Valerie Jaudon" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7911290" type="real">Valerie Jaudon</persName> and <persName key="Joyce Kozloff" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6297552">Joyce Kozloff</persName></byline> <p> As feminists and artists exploring the decorative in our own paintings, we were curious about the pejorative use of the word "decorative” in the contemporary art world. In rereading the basic texts of Modern Art, we came to realize that the prejudice against the decorative has a long history and is based on hierarchies: fine art above decorative art, Western art above non-Western art, men’s art above women’s art. By focusing on these hierarchies we discovered a disturbing belief system based on the moral superiority of the art of Western civilization.</p> <p>We decided to write a piece about how language has been used to communicate this moral superiority. Certain words have been handed down unexamined from one generation to the next. We needed to take these words away from the art context to examine and decode them. They have colored our own history, our art training. We have had to rethink the underlying assumptions of our education.</p> <p>Within the discipline of art history, the following words are continuously used to characterize what has been called "high art": man, mankind, the individual man, individuality, humans, humanity, the human figure, humanism, civilization, culture, <orgName key="The Greeks" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q101209648" cert="medium">the Greeks</orgName>, <orgName key="Romans" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1651392" cert="high">the Romans</orgName>, <orgName key="English people" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q42406">the English</orgName>, Christianity, spirituality, transcendence, religion, nature, true form, science, logic, purity, evolution, revolution, progress, truth, freedom, creativity, action, war, virility, violence, brutality, dynamism, power and greatness.</p> <p>All of these words appear in the quotations found throughout this piece. The quotations are from the writings and statements of artists, art critics and art historians. We do not pretend to neutrality and do not supply the historical context for the quotations. These can be found in the existing histories of Modern Art. Our analysis is based on a personal, contemporary perspective.</p> </div> <div> <head>WAR AND VIRILITY</head> <p>Manifestoes of Modern Art often exhort artists to make violent, brutal work, and it is no accident that men such as <persName>Hirsh</persName>, <persName key="Diego Rivera" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q171128">Rivera</persName>, and <persName key="Pablo Picasso" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5593">Picasso</persName> like to think of their art as a metaphorical weapon. One of the longstanding targets of this weapon has been the decorative. The scorn for decoration epitomizes the machismo expressed by <persName key="Le Corbusier" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q4724">Le Corbusier</persName>, and <persName key="Filippo Tommaso Marinetti" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q216582">Marinetti</persName>/<persName key="Antonio Sant'Elia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q382053">Sant’Elia</persName>. Their belligerence may take the form of an appeal to the machine aesthetic: the machine is idolized as a tool and symbol of progress, and technological progress is equated with reductivist, streamlined art. The instinct to purify exalts an order which is never described and condemns a chaos which is never explained.</p> <p>Joseph Hirsh, from "<title level="j">Common Cause</title> " D.W. Larkin, 1949: </p><p><q>The great artist has wielded his art as a magnificent weapon truly mightier than the sword...</q></p> <p><persName key="Diego Rivera" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q171128" role="aut">Diego Rivera</persName>, "<title cert="high" generatedBy="human" level="m" xml:space="default">The Revolutionary Spirit in Modern Art</title>," 1932: <quote>"I want to use my art as a weapon."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Pablo Picasso" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5593" cert="high" role="aut" type="real">Pablo Picasso,</persName> "<title>Statement about the Artist as a Political Being</title>," 1945: <quote>"No, painting is not done to decorate apartments. It is an instrument of war for attack and defense against the enemy."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Le Corbusier" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q4724" role="aut">Le Corbusier</persName>, "<title level="m">Guiding Principles of Town Planning</title>," 1925: <quote>"Decorative art is dead...An immense, devastating brutal evolution has burned the bridges that link us with the past."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Naum Gabo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q309482">Naum Gabo</persName> and <persName key="Antoine Pevsner" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q381950">Antoine Pevsner</persName>, "<title cert="medium" level="m">Basic Principles of Constructivism</title>," 1920: <quote>"We reject the decorative line. We demand of every line in the work of art that it shall serve solely to define the inner directions of force in the body to be portrayed."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Filippo Tommaso Marinetti" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q216582" cert="high" role="aut" type="real">Filippo Tommaso Marinetti</persName> and <persName key="Antonio Sant'Elia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q382053" role="aut">Antonio Sant’Elia</persName>, "<title key="futurist architecture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q333353">Futurist Architecture</title>," 1914: <quote>"The decorative must be abolished... Let us throw away monuments sidewalks, arcades, steps; let us sink<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_042.jpg" n="42" xml:id="img_0042"/> squares into the ground, raise the level of the city."</quote></p> <p><persName key="El Lissitzky" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q152233">El Lissitsky</persName>, "<title cert="high" generatedBy="human" level="m" xml:space="default">Ideological superstructure</title>," 1929: <quote>"Destruction of the traditional... War has been declared on the aesthetic of chaos. An order that has entered fully into consciousness is called for."</quote></p> <p>"<title level="m">Manifesto of the Futurist Painters</title>," 1910: <quote>"The dead shall be buried in the earth’s deepest bowels! The threshold of the future will be free of mummies! Make room for youth, for violence, for daring!"</quote></p> </div> <div> <head>PURITY</head> <p>In the polemics of Modern Art, purity represents the highest good. The more the elements of the work of art are pared down, reduced, the more visible the purity. Here <persName key="Clement Greenberg" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q434813" cert="high" type="real">Greenberg</persName> equates reductivism with rationality and function. But it is never explained why or for whom art has to be functional, nor why reductivism is rational. Among artists as diverse as <persName key="Louis Sullivan" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q243240">Sullivan</persName>, <persName key="Amédée Ozenfant" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q381937">Ozenfant</persName> and <persName key="Willem de Kooning" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q132305">de Kooning</persName>, we found the sexual metaphor of "stripping down art and architecture to make them nude or pure. The assumption is that the artist is male, and the work of art (object) female.</p> <p><persName key="Clement Greenberg" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q434813">Clement Greenberg</persName>, "<title level="m">Detached Observations</title>," 1976: <quote>"The ultimate use of art is construed as being to provide the experience of aesthetic value, therefore art is to be stripped down towards this end. Hence, modernist functionalism, essentialism’ it could be called, the urge to purify’ the medium, any medium. Purity’ being construed as the most efficacious, efficient, economical employment of the me- dium for purposes of aesthetic value."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Louis Sullivan" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q243240">Louis Sullivan</persName>, "Ornament in Architecture," 1892: <quote>"... it would be greatly for our aesthetic good, if we should refrain from the use of ornament for a period of years, in order that our thought might concentrate acutely upon the production of buildings well formed and comely in the nude."</quote></p> <p>Amédée Ozenfant, <title cert="high" generatedBy="human" level="m" xml:space="default">Foundations of Modern Art</title>, 1931: <quote>"Decoration can be revolting, but a naked body moves us by the harmony of its form."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Willem de Kooning" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q132305" cert="high" type="real">Willem de Kooning</persName>, "<title level="m">What Abstract Art Means to Me</title>," 1951: <quote>"One of the most striking of abstract art’s appearance is her nakedness, an art stripped bare."</quote></p> </div> <div> <head>PURITY IN ART AS A HOLY CAUSE</head> <p>Purity can also be sanctified as an aesthetic principle. Modern artists and their espousers sometimes sound like the new crusaders, declaring eternal or religious values. A favorite theme is that of cleansing art. The ecclesiastical metaphor of transcendence through purification (baptism) is used to uphold the "Greek" tradition (as in the van de Velde quotation) or the "Christian" tradition (as in the Loos quotation). Cleansing and purification are sometimes paired with an exalted view of the artistas a god, as in Apollinaire's desire to "deify personality."</p> <p><persName key="Henry van de Velde" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q154083">Henry van de Velde</persName>, "<title level="m">Programme</title>," 1903: <quote>"As soon as the work of cleansing and sweeping out has been finished as soon as the true form of things comes to light again, then strive with all the patience, all the spirit and the logic of the Greeks for the perfection of this form."</quote></p> <p> <persName key="Adolf Loos" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q44323">Adolf Loos</persName>, "<title key="Ornament and Crime" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3356536">Ornament and Crime</title>," 1908: <quote>"We have outgrown ornament; we have fought our way through to freedom from ornament. See, the time is nigh, fulfilment awaits us. Soon the streets of the city will glisten like white walls, like Zion, the holy city. the capital of heaven. Then fulfilment will be come."</quote></p> <p> <persName key="Guillaume Apollinaire" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q133855" cert="high" type="real">Guillaume Apollinaire</persName>, <title key="The Cubist Painters, Aesthetic Meditations" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q19516277" cert="high" level="m">The Cubist Painters</title>, 1913: <quote>"To insist on purity is to baptize in- stinct, to humanize art, and to deify personality."</quote></p> </div> <div> <head>THE SUPERIORITY OF WESTERN ART</head> <p>Throughout the literature of Western art there are racist assumptions that devalue the arts of other cultures. The ancient Greeks are upheld as the model, an Aryan ideal of order. Art in the Greco-Roman tradition is believed to represent superior values. <persName key="André Malraux" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151164">Malraux</persName> uses the word "barbarian" and <persName key="Fry, Roger Eliot, 1866-1934" ref="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q547470">Fry</persName> the word "savages" to describe art and artists outside our tradition. The non-Western ideals of pleasure, meditation and loss of self are clearly not understood by the exponents of ego assertion, transcendence and dynamism.</p> <p><persName key="David Hume" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q37160">David Hume</persName>, "<title>Of National Characters</title>" (on Africans), 1748: <quote>"There scarcely ever was a civilized nation of that complexion nor even any individual, eminent either in action or speculation. No ingenious manufactures amongst them, no arts, no ściences."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Roger Fry" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q547470">Roger Fry</persName>, "<title level="m">The Art of the Bush-men</title>," 1910: <quote>"... it is to be noted that all the peoples whose drawing shows this peculiar power of visualization (sensual not conceptual) belong to what we call the lowest of savages, they are certainly the least civilizable, and the South African Bushmen are regarded by other native races in much the same way that we look upon negroes."</quote></p> <p>André Malraux, <title key="The Voices of Silence" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q42197399">The Voices of Silence</title>, 1953: <quote>"Now a barbarian art can keep alive only in the environment of the barbarism it expresses..."</quote></p><p><quote>"... the Byzantine style, as the West saw it, was not the expression of a supreme value but merely a form of decoration."</quote></p> <p>Roger Fry, "<title cert="high" generatedBy="human" level="m" xml:space="default"><title cert="high" level="m">The Munich Exhibition of Mohammedan Art</title></title>," 1910: <quote>"It cannot be denied that in course of time it [Islamic art] pandered to the besetting sin of the oriental craftsman, his intolerable patience and thoughtless industry."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Grunebaum, Gustave E. von (Gustave Edmund), 1909-1972" ref="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q78892" cert="high" type="real">Gustave von Grunebaum</persName>, <title level="m">Medieval Islam</title>, 1945: <quote>"Islam can hardly be called creative in the sense that the Greeks were creative in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. or the Western world since the Renaissance, but its flavor is unmistakable..."</quote></p> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_043.jpg" n="43" xml:id="img_0043"/> <p> <persName key="Richard Westmacott" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6238282">Sir Richard Westmacott</persName>, Professor of Sculpture, <placeName key="Royal Academy of Arts" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q270920">Royal Academy</placeName> (quoted in Rediscoveries in Art: Some Aspects of Taste, Fashion and Collecting in England and France, Francis Haskell, 1977): "...I think it is impossible that that any artist can look at the Nineveh marbles as works for study , for such they certainly are not: they are works of prescriptive art , like works of Egyptian art. No man would ever thinkg of studying Egyptian art."</p> <p><persName key="Adolf Loos" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q44323" cert="high" type="real">Adolf Loos</persName>, "<title key="Ornament and Crime" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3356536">Ornament and Crime</title>," 1908. <quote>"No ornament can any longer be made today by anyone who lives on our cultural level."</quote> <quote>"It is different with the individuals and peoples who have not yet reached this level."</quote> <quote>"I can tolerate the ornaments of the Kaffir, the Persian, the Slovak peasant woman, my shoemaker’s ornaments, for they all have no other way of attaining the high points of their existence. We have art, which has taken the place of ornament. After the toils and troubles of the day we go to Beethoven or to Tristan."</quote></p> </div> <div> <head>FEAR OF RACIAL CONTAMINATION, IMPOTENCE AND DECADENCE</head> <p>Racism is the other side of the coin of Exotica. Often underlying a fascination with the Orient, Indians, Africans and primitives is an urgent unspoken fear of infiltration, decadence and domination by the mongrels gathering impatiently at the gates of civilization. Ornamental objects from other cultures which appeared in Europe in the nineteenth century were clearly superior to Western machine-made products. How could the West maintain its notion of racial supremacy in the face of these objects? <persName key="Adolf Loos" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q44323">Loos</persName>’s answer: by declaring that ornament itself was savage. Artists and aesthetes who would succumb to decorative impulses were considered impotent and/or decadent.</p> <p>Adolf Loos, "Ornament and Crime," 1908: <quote>"I have made the following discovery and I pass it on to the world: The evolution of culture is synonymous with the removal of ornament from utilitarian objects. I believed that with this discovery I was bringing joy to the world; it has not thanked me. People were sad and hung their heads. What depressed them was the realization that they could produce no new ornaments. Are we alone, the people of the nineteenth century, supposed to be unable to do what any Negro, all the races and periods before us have been able to do? What mankind created without ornament in earlier millenia was thrown away without a thought and abandoned to destruction. We possess no joiner’s benches from the Carolingian era, but every trifle that displays the least ornament has been collected and cleaned and palatial buildings have been erected to house it. Then people walked sadly about between the glass cases and felt ashamed of their impotence."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Amédée Ozenfant" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q381937">Amédée Ozenfant</persName>, <title level="m">Foundations of Modern Art</title>, 1931: <quote>"Let us beware lest the earnest effort of younger peoples relegates us to the necropolis of the effete nations, as mighty Rome did to the dilettantes of the Greek decadence, or the Gauls to worn-out Rome. "Given many lions and few fleas, the lions are in no danger; but when the fleas multiply, how pitiful is the lions' lot!"</quote></p> <p><persName key="Albert Gleizes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q711903" cert="high" type="real">Albert Gleizes</persName> and <persName key="Jean Metzinger" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q313096">Jean Metzinger</persName>, Cubism, 1912: <quote>"As all preoccupation in art arises from the material employed, we ought to regard the decorative preoccupation, if we find it in a painter, as an anachronistic artifice, useful only to conceal impotence."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Maurice Barrès" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q314957" cert="medium" type="real">Maurice Barrés</persName> (on the Italian pre-Renaissance painters), 1897 (quoted in <persName key="André Malraux" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151164">André Malraux</persName>, <title level="m">The Voices of Silence</title>): <quote>"And I can also see why aesthetes, enamored of the archaic, who have deliberately emasculated their virile emotions in quest of a more fragile grace, relish the poverty and pettiness of these minor artists."</quote> </p> </div> <div> <head>RACISM AND SEXISM</head> <p>Racist and sexist attitudes characterize the same mentality. They sometimes appear in the same passage and are unconsciously paired, as when <persName key="Herbert Edward Read" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q460061" cert="medium" type="real">Read</persName> equates tattoos and cosmetics. The tattoo refers to strange, threatening customs of far-off places and mysterious people. Cosmetics, a form of self-ornamentation, is equated with self-objectification and inferiority (<persName key="Schapiro, Meyer" ref="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q533444">Schapiro</persName>). Racism and sexism ward off the potential power and vitality of the other. Whereas nudity earlier alluded to woman as the object of male desire, here <persName key="Kazimir Malevich" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q130777">Malevich</persName> associates the nude female with savagery.</p> <p><persName key="Herbert Edward Read" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q460061" cert="high" type="real">Herbert Read</persName>, <title level="m">Art and Industry</title>, 1953: <quote>"All ornament should be treated as suspect. I feel that a really civilized person would as soon tattoo his body as cover the form of a good work of art with meaningless ornament. Legitimate ornament I conceive as something like mascara and lipstick — something applied with discretion to make more precise the outlines of an already existing beauty."</quote></p> <p>Adolf Loos, "Ornament and Crime," 1908: <quote>"The child is amoral. To our eyes, the Papuan is too. The Papuan kills his enemies and eats them. He is not a criminal. But when modern man kills someone and eats him he is either a criminal or a degenerate. The Papuan tattoos his skin, his boat, his paddles, in short everything he can lay hands on. He is not a criminal. The modern man who tattoos himself is either a criminal or a degenerate. There are prisons in which eighty percent of the inmates show tattoos. The tattooed who are not in prison are latent criminals or degenerate aristocrats. If someone who is tattooed dies at liberty, it means he has died a few years before committing a murder."</quote></p> <p>Meyer Schapiro, "<title level="m">The Social Bases of Art</title>," 1936: <quote>"A woman of this class (upper) is essentially an artist, like the painters whom she might patronize. Her daily life is filled with aesthetic choices; she buys clothes, ornaments, furniture, house decorations; she is constantly re-arranging herself as an aesthetic object."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Kazimir Malevich" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q130777" cert="high" type="real">Kasimir Malevich</persName>, "<title level="m">Suprematist manifesto Unovis</title>," 1924: <quote>"... we don’t want to be like those Negroes upon whom English culture bestowed the umbrella and top hat, and we don’t want our wives to run around naked like savages in the garb of Venus!"</quote></p> <p><persName key="Iwan Bloch" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q70269">Iwan Bloch</persName>, <title level="m">The Sexual Life of Our Time</title>, 1908: <quote>"...[woman] possesses a greater interest in her immediate environment, in the finished product, in the decorative, the individual, and the concrete; man, on the other hand, exhibits a preference for the more remote, for that which is in process of construction or growth, for the useful, the general, and the abstract."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Leo Tolstoy" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7243" cert="high" type="real">Leo Tolstoy</persName>, "<title key="What Is Art?" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q4517325">What Is Art?</title>” 1898: <quote>"Real art, like the wife of an affectionate husband, needs no ornaments. <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_044.jpg" n="44" xml:id="img_0044"/> But counterfeit art, like a prostitute, must always be decked out."</quote> </p> </div> <div> <head>HIERARCHY OF HIGH-LOW ART</head> <p>Since the art experts consider the "high arts of Western men superior to all other forms of art, those arts done by non-Western people, low-class people and women are categorized as "minor arts," "primitive arts," "low arts," etc. A newer more subtle way for artists to elevate themselves to an elite position is to identify their work with pure science, pure mathematics, linguistics and philosophy. The myth that high art is for a select few perpetuates the hierarchy in the arts, and among people as well.</p> <p><persName key="Clement Greenberg" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q434813" cert="high" type="real">Clement Greenberg</persName>, "<title key="Avant-Garde and Kitsch" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q952540" cert="high" level="a">Avant-Garde and Kitsch</title>," 1939: <quote>"It will be objected that such art for the masses as folk art was developed under rudimentary conditions of production—and that a good deal of folk art is on a high level. Yes, it is – but folk art is not Athene, and it's Athene whom we want: formal culture with its infinity of aspects, its luxuriance, its large comprehension."</quote></p> <p> <persName key="H. W. Janson" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q215614">H. W. Janson</persName>, <title cert="medium" level="m">History of Art</title>, 1962: <quote>"...for the applied arts are more deeply enmeshed in our everyday lives and thus cater to a far wider public than do painting and sculpture, their purpose, as the name suggests, is to beautify the useful, an important and honorable one, no doubt, but of a lesser order than art pure and simple."</quote></p> <p>Amédée Ozenfant, <title level="m">Foundations of Modern Art</title>, <date when="1931" cert="high">1931</date>: <quote>"If we go on allowing the minor arts to think themselves the equal of Great Art, we shall soon be hail fellow to all sorts of domestic furniture. Each to his place! The decorators to the big shops, the artists on the next floor up, several floors up, as high as possible, on the pinnacles, higher even. For the time being, however, they sometimes do meet on the landings, the decorators having mounted at their heels, and numerous artists having come down on their hunkers."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Le Corbusier" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q4724" cert="high" type="real">Le Corbusier</persName> (Pierre Jeanneret) and <persName key="Amédée Ozenfant" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q381937">Amédée Ozenfant</persName>, "<title>On Cubism</title>," 1918: (quoted in Ozenfant, <title level="m">Foundations of Modern Art</title>): <quote>"There is a hierarchy in the arts: decorative art at the bottom, and the human form at the top. Because we are men."</quote></p> <p>André Malraux, <title level="m">The Voices of Silence</title>, 1953: <quote>"The design of the carpet is wholly abstract; not so its color. Perhaps we shall soon discover that the sole reason why we call this art decorative is that for us it has no history, no hierarchy, no meaning. Color reproduction may well lead us to review our ideas on this subject and rescue the masterwork from the North African bazaar as Negro sculpture has been rescued from the curio-shop, in other words, liberate Islam from the odium of backwardness and assign its due place (a minor one, not because the carpet never portrays Man, but because it does not express him) to this last manifestation of the undying East."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Barnett Newman" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q374504" cert="high" type="real">Barnett Newman</persName>, "<title level="a">The Ideographic Picture</title>," 1947 (on the Kwakiutl artist): <quote>"The abstract shape he used, his entire plastic language, was directed by a ritualistic will towards metaphysical understanding. The every day realities he left to the toymakers; the pleasant play of nonobjective pattern to the women basket weavers."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Ursula Meyer" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q16015916">Ursula Meyer</persName>, <title level="m">Conceptual Art</title>, 1972: <quote>"In the same sense that science is for scientists and philosophy is for philosophers, art is for artists."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Joseph Kosuth" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q313113" cert="high" type="real">Joseph Kosuth</persName>, "<title level="a">Introductory Note by the American Editor</title>," 1970: "In a sense, then, art has become as 'serious as science or philosophy' which doesn't have audiences either."</p> </div> <div> <head>THAT OLD CHESTNUT. "HUMANISM"</head> <p>Humanism was once a radical doctrine opposing the authority of the church, but in our secular society it has come to defend the traditional idea of "mankind" and status quo attitudes. The human values such authorities demand of art depend on the use of particular subject matter or particular ideas of "human" expression. Without humanist content, ornament, pattern and ritual or decorative elaborations of production are condemned as inhuman, alien and empty. "The limits of the decorative," says <persName key="André Malraux" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151164" cert="high" role="aut" type="real">Malraux</persName>, "can be precisely defined only in an age of humanistic art." We could rather say that the generalities of "humanist" sentiment characterize only a small part of world art, most of which is non-Western and decorative. But why should anyone prefer the false divisions of these writers, based on ethnic stereotypes, to a historical awareness of the interdependence of all "human cultures?</p> <p><persName key="Camille Mauclair" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q662931">Camille Mauclair</persName>, "<title level="m">La Réforme de l’art décoratif en France</title>" (on the Impressionists), 1896: <quote>"Decorative art has as its aesthetic and for its effect not to make one think of man, but of an order of things arranged by him: it is a descriptive and deforming art, a grouping of spectacles the essence of which is to be seen."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Rudolf Arnheim" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q213642" cert="medium" type="real">Rudolf Arnheim</persName>, Art and Visual Perception, 1954: <quote>"Paintings or sculpture are self-contained statements about the nature of human existence in all its essential aspects. An ornament presented as a work of art becomes a fool’s paradise, in which tragedy and discord are ignored and an easy peace reigns."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Hilton Kramer" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5764634">Hilton Kramer</persName>, "<title level="m">The Splendors and Chill of Islamic Art</title>," 1975: <quote>"...for those of us who seek in art something besides a bath of pleasuable sensation, so much of what it [the <placeName key="Metropolitan Museum of Art" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q160236">Metropolitan Museum</placeName>'s Islamic wing] houses is, frankly so alien to the expectations of Western sensibility."</quote><quote>"Perhaps with the passage of time, Islamic art will come to look less alien to us than it does today. I frankly doubt it—there are too many fundamental differences of spirit to be overcome."<lb/> "... there is small place indeed given to what looms so large in the Western imagination: the individualization of experience."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Arnold, Sir Thomas (English historian, 1864-1930)" ref="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q3595922" cert="medium" type="real">Sir Thomas Arnold</persName>, <title key="PAINTING IN ISLAM: a Study of the Place of Pictorial Art in Muslim Culture. By Sir Thomas W. Arnold. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1928. pp. XVIII, 159, with 65 plates of which 8 are in colour. 84s" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q59108679" cert="high">Painting in Islam</title>, 1928: <quote>"the painter was apparently willing to spend hours of work upon the delicate veining of the leaves of a tree...but it does not seem to have occurred to him to devote the same pains and effort on the countenances of his human figures...he appears to have been satisfied with the beautiful decorative effect he achieved."</quote></p> <p>André Malraux, <title level="m">The Voices of Silence</title>, 1953: <quote>"The limits of the decorative can be precisely defined only in an age of humanistic art. "</quote></p><p><quote>"It was the individualization of destiny, this involuntary or unwitting <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_045.jpg" n="45" xml:id="img_0045"/> imprint of his private drama on every man s face, that prevented Western art from becoming like Byzantine mosaics always transcendent, or like Buddhist sculpture obsessed with unity."<lb/> "How could an Egyptian, an Assyrian or a Buddhist have shown his god nailed to a cross, without ruining his style?"</quote></p> </div> <div> <head>DECORATION AND DOMESTICITY</head> <p>The antithesis of the violence and destruction idolized by Modern Art is the visual enhancement of the domestic environment. (If humanism is equated with dynamism, the decorative is seen to be synonymous with the static). One method "modernism has used to discredit its opponents has been to associate their work with carpets and wallpaper. Lacking engagement with human form or the real world," the work of art must be stigmatized as decorative (<persName key="Sedlmayr, Hans" ref="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q79084">Sedlmayr</persName> and <persName key="Albert Coombs Barnes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q710269" cert="high" type="real">Barnes</persName>/<persName key="Violette de Mazia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q78246293">de Mazia</persName>). So decorative art is a code term signifying failed humanism. Artists such as <persName key="Albert Gleizes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q711903" cert="high" type="real">Gleizes</persName> and <persName key="Wassily Kandinsky" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q61064">Kandinsky</persName>, anxious to escape the tag of the decorative, connect their work to older, humanist aspirations.</p> <p><persName key="Aldous Huxley" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q81447">Aldous Huxley</persName> on Pollock’s Cathedral, 1947: <quote>"It seems like a panel for a wallpaper which is repeated indefinitely around the wall."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Wyndham Lewis" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q780102" cert="high" type="real">Wyndham Lewis</persName>, "<title level="m">Picasso</title>", (on Minotauromachy), 1940: <quote>"...this confused, feeble, profusely decorated, romantic carpet."</quote></p> <p><title key="The Times" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q50008">The Times of London</title> critic on <persName key="James McNeill Whistler" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q203643">Whistler</persName>, 1878: <quote>"...that these pictures only come one step nearer [to fine art) than a delicately tinted wallpaper."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Hans Sedlmayr" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q79084" cert="high" type="real">Hans Sedlmayr</persName>, <title level="m">Art in Crisis: The Lost Center</title>, 1948: <quote>"With <persName key="Henri Matisse" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5589" cert="high" role="art" type="real">Matisse</persName>, the human form was to have no more significance than a pattern on a wallpaper..."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Albert Coombs Barnes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q710269">Dr. Albert C. Barnes</persName> and <persName key="Violette de Mazia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q78246293" cert="medium" type="real">Violette de Mazia</persName>, <title level="m">The Art of Cezanne</title>, 1939: <quote>"Pattern, in Cézanne an instrument strictly subordinated to the expression of values inherent in the real world, becomes in cubism the entire aesthetic content, and this degradation of form leaves cubistic painting with no claim to any status higher than decoration."</quote></p> <p> <persName key="Albert Gleizes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q711903">Albert Gleizes</persName>, "<title cert="high" generatedBy="human" level="m" xml:space="default">Opinion</title>” (on Cubism), 1913: <quote>"There is a certain imitative coefficient by which we may verify the legitimacy of our discoveries, avoid reducing the picture merely to the ornamental value of an arabesque or an Oriental carpet, and obtain an infinite variety which would otherwise be impossible."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Wassily Kandinsky" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q61064" cert="high" type="real">Wassily Kandinsky</persName>, <title key="Über das Geistige in der Kunst" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q51584128" level="m">Über das Geistige in der Kunst</title>, 1912: <quote>"If we begin at once to break the bonds that bind us to nature and to devote ourselves purely to combinations of pure color and independent form, we shall produce works which are mere geometric decoration, resembling something like a necktie or a carpet."</quote></p> </div> <div> <head>AUTOCRACY</head> <p>Certain modern artists express the desire for unlimited personal power. The aesthetics of modernism—its egomania, violence, purity-fixation and denial of all other routes to the truth—is highly authoritarian. The reductivist ideology suggests an inevitable, evolutionary survival of the (aesthetic) fittest. <persName key="Ad Reinhardt" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q345569">Reinhardt</persName> declares throughout his writings that all the world’s art must culminate in his pure paintings. <persName key="Amédée Ozenfant" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q381937" type="real">Ozenfant</persName> equates purism with a superstate. <persName key="Erich Mendelsohn" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q76730" cert="medium">Mendelsohn</persName> believes the advocates of the new art have a right to exercise control.</p> <p><persName key="Ad Reinhardt" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q345569" cert="high">Ad Reinhardt</persName>, "<title level="m">There is Just One Painting</title>," 1966: <quote>"There is just one art history, one art evolution, one art progress. There is just one aesthetics, just one art idea, one art meaning, just one principle, one force. There is just one truth in art, one form, one change, one secrecy."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Amédée Ozenfant" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q381937" type="real">Amédée Ozenfant</persName>, <title cert="high" generatedBy="human" level="m" xml:space="default">Foundations of Modern Art</title>, 1931: <quote>"Purism is not an aesthetic, but a sort of super-aesthetic in the same way that the League of Nations is a superstate."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Erich Mendelsohn" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q76730" cert="high">Erich Mendelsohn</persName>, "<title level="m">The Problem of a New Architecture</title>," 1919: <quote>"The simultaneous process of revolutionary political decisions and radical changes in human relationships in economy and science and religion and art give belief in the new form, an a priori right to exercise control, and provide a justifiable basis for a rebirth amidst the misery produced by world-historical disaster."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Adolf Hitler" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q352" type="real">Adolf Hitler</persName>'s speech inaugurating the "Great Exhibition of German Art," 1937: <quote>"I have come to the final inalterable decision to clean house, just as have done in the domain of political confusion..." </quote></p><p><quote>"National-Socialist Germany, however, wants again a German Art, and this art shall and will be of eternal value, as are all truly creative values of a people..."</quote></p> <p><persName key="Frank Lloyd Wright" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5604" cert="high">Frank Lloyd Wright</persName>, "Work Song," 1896: <lg> <l>"I'LL THINK</l> <l>AS I'LL ACT</l> <l>AS I AM!</l> <l>NO DEED IN FASHION FOR SHAM</l> <l>NOR FOR FAME E’ER MAN MADE</l> <l>SHEATH THE NAKED WHITE</l> <l>BLADE</l> <l>MY ACT AS BECOMETH A MAN</l> <l>MY ACT</l> <l>ACTS THAT BECOMETH THE</l> <l>MAN"</l></lg></p> </div> <div><p> We started by examining a specific attitude—the prejudice against the decorative in art—and found ourselves in a labyrinth of myth and mystification. By taking these quotes out of context we are not trying to hold these artists and writers up to ridicule. However, to continue reading them in an unquestioning spirit perpetuates their biases. The language of their statements is often dated—indeed, some of them are over a century old—but the sentiments they express still guide contemporary theory in art.</p> <p>Modernism, the theory of Modern Art, claimed to break with Renaissance humanism. Yet both doctrines glorify the individual genius as the bearer of creativity. It seems worth noting that such heroic genius has always appeared in the form of a white Western male. We, as artists, cannot solve these problems, but by speaking plainly we hope to reveal the inconsistencies in assumptions that too often have been accepted as "truth."</p> </div> <div> <p> We relied heavily on <persName key="Joseph Masheck" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q112130466" type="real">Joseph Masheck</persName>, <title><title level="m">The Carpet Paradigm: Critical Prolegomena to a Theory of Flatness</title></title>, <title key="Arts Magazine" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q4801477">Arts Magazine</title>, Sept., 1976, for the quotes about carpets and wallpaper.</p> <epigraph><p>To <persName key="Amy Goldin" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q16008381">Amy Goldin</persName> whose ideas and encouragement made this piece possible.</p></epigraph> </div> </body> <back> <div> <p>Valerie Jaudon is an artist from Mississippi living in New York.</p> <p>Joyce Kozloff is an artist currently living in Albuquerque, New Mexico.</p> </div> </back> </text> </TEI>
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<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_031.jpg" n="31" xml:id="img_0031"/> <head><title>Political Fabrications: Women’s Textiles in 5 Cultures</title></head> <byline> <persName type="real">Jean Feinberg</persName>, <persName>Lenore Goldberg,</persName> <persName>Julie Gross,</persName> <persName>Bella Lieberman,</persName> <persName>Elizabeth Sacre</persName> </byline> <p> We have been meeting collectively for many months, exploring the political dimensions of women’s traditional artmaking. Our focus was on textiles and the women who made them from five cultures – <orgName key="Navajo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q108266">Navajo</orgName>, <orgName key="Chilkat" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q12628963">Northwest Coast Chilkat Indian</orgName>, <placeName key="New Zealand" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q664">New Zealand</placeName> <orgName key="Māori" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6122670">Maori</orgName>, pre-conquest <placeName key="Peru" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q419">Peruvian,</placeName> and Western European. We wanted to clarify relationships between the social/political position of women and the status of their textile-making in these societies.</p> <p> Our notion of collectivity began vaguely and was gradually clarified. We wanted to tolerate tensions and individual voices. Even though each of us has contributed individually to this effort, what we wrote was the outcome of collective debate. This form has had everything to do with our content. Women’s history has been characterized by the systematic denial of access to analytic modes of exploring situations. We joined a long tradition of women who worked together offering each other support and intimacy. What we intensified was a critical and intellectual dimension which became, in time, indistinguishable from the emotional dimension.</p> <p>The first part of this piece describes our filters—our articulation of the political dimensions of art and aesthetics and our reasons for exploring women's traditional arts. Our individual explications of women and textiles in five cultures follow. We conclude with several theoretical speculations prompted by our research and our collective process.</p> </div> <div> <head>Toward a definition of the politics of art and aesthetics</head> <p>Women’s traditional art has been defined as craft or "low" art. This ascribed status of women’s art is political. To understand why women's art has been considered in this way is a vital political act.</p> <p>Aesthetics, theory-making about art, has been given to us as though it were value-free, objective, and not grounded in a particular historical moment. According to us, art and art theories are mediated by those groups who dominate the social sphere and have greater access to power. In general, when Western theorists have reported on traditional societies, their cultural and sexist biases have interfered. Thus, in order to understand what traditional art is, we are forced to state what it is not. It is not the work of a formative period of culture, not a late or stagnant phase of development, not the work of children, naives, or mentally ill people. It is not technologically crude or inept. Traditional arts have been considered all of these.</p> <p>The Western notion of "primitivism" should not be confused with the artistic expression of fully developed cultures of the pretechnological world. Within these cultures, although women’s art is skillfully made and present in all aspects of life, it has largely been ignored by Western theorists. Its artistic qualities have not been recognized and its possible meanings have not been explored.</p> <p>Through our research, we discovered another bias to be explored. Males within traditional cultures have, because of their political and social power, tended to define what is valuable in art. By becoming aware of how biases shape the formulation of aesthetic theories, we can reveal the political nature of aesthetics.</p> </div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_032.jpg" n="32" xml:id="img_0032"/> <div> <head>Personal sources for our exploration</head> <p>My interest in women's traditional arts originated in a need to connect personally and historically with women who had the desire to enrich utilitarian objects. Although relegated to forms of expression bounded by their homes and bodies, women engendered works informed by an analytic and intuitive but not a High Art sensibility. I wanted to understand why the creative expression of women was usually channeled into crafts. Because I felt so connected to these works of art, I questioned that designation altogether. In particular, I wanted to look behind the ephemeral appearance of lace to see what answers and paradoxes would be there. <persName>B.L. <note type="annotation">Bella Lieberman</note></persName></p> <p> Because I am still struggling with the myth of male superiority in art, I was instinctively drawn to a women’s art form which embodied a sensual, visual beauty. My incentive to investigate these textiles was generated by the barrenness which characterizes the dehumanized products of modern technology. I questioned the place assigned to these domestic, utilitarian objects by male-politicized aesthetics. If I could not find validation, I sought at least more factual information regarding their origins and the context in which they were made and seen. I came to feel it was necessary to find female antecedents in art and that the lack of a woman’s history cuts us off from our own dreams and aspirations. Without a knowledge of our own history, whether in this culture or others, we are limited in the extent to which we may excel. <persName>J.F. <note type="annotation">Julie Feinberg</note></persName></p> <p> As an artist in this eclectic age, my interest in women's traditional arts is filtered through exotic, romantic notions of other cultures. I am interested in how cultural frameworks affect art and aesthetics. Primitive artists have been described as reflecting the style of their culture rather than having an individual style. I wanted to explore that idea with particular reference to women. I wondered how women's distance from the power centers of traditional cultures related to their styles of artmaking and choices of materials. I questioned whether women artists had as their purpose the expression of their culture's basic conservatism or if they sought to change it. <persName>L.G. <note type="annotation">Lenore Goldberg</note></persName></p> <p>My earliest responses to the traditional art of women were contradictory. I wanted to celebrate women who, despite natural and man-made constraints, have been creative in the transformation of various media. I also wanted to understand the historical forces that have tried to colonize women's fantasies, limiting them in their choice of media, iconography, and access to an audience, and how these limitations have related to restrictions in other spheres of their lives. A historical understanding of women and art is a prerequisite to a meaningful encounter with the contemporary culture of women. <persName>E.S. <note type="annotation">Elizabeth Sacre</note></persName></p> <p>Studying women's artmaking in traditional societies, I had a sense that certain core needs were fulfilled by many kinds of activities, whether or not the product of these activities was called art or craft. Both categories seem to embody these needs – manual/tactile, conceptual, creative/transformative—in the making as well as the experiencing of these objects. "Icing" a canvas or icing a cake, shaping a bowl or painting flesh, weaving a blanket or looking to that blanket as inspiration, can all be seen as examples of these needs in practice. <persName>J.G. <note type="annotation">Julie Gross</note></persName></p> <div> <head> Peru</head> <p>In <placeName key="Peru" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q419">Peru</placeName> textiles were produced as early as 2500 B.C. They served as the major vehicle for abstract social and religious expression until the end of the Inca state in 1532 A.D. Textile styles developed throughout the successive Peruvian cultures of <orgName key="Paracas culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1127723">Paracas</orgName>, <orgName key="Chavín culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q13341477">Chavin</orgName>, <orgName key="Nazca culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q210570">Nazca</orgName>, <orgName key="Tiwanaku" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q61750">Tiahuanaco-Wari</orgName>, <orgName key="Chimú culture" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q901198">Chimu,</orgName> and <orgName key="Inca civilization" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3404008">Inca</orgName>, and continue today. For almost 5,000 years, until the Spanish conquest, Peruvian textiles enjoyed an uninterrupted freedom from foreign influence. Thus a clear, strong indigenous style evolved.</p> <p>Most accounts attribute this activity to women by implicit assumption, not stating it as actual fact, which suggests that to formally attribute to women a cultural legacy of such artistry and expertise is to go out on a limb and to risk being dismissed as biased and unscholarly. One prominent authority, in a classic essay on Peruvian textiles, indicates the weaver's sex only once by using the pronoun "she" to clarify a sentence at the end of the article’s seventeen pages. However, reports and excavated artifacts exist <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_033.jpg" n="33" xml:id="img_0033"/> which confirm that Peruvian spinning and weaving was predominantly a woman's art. Spindles, pottery, and cloth dolls portraying women weavers (sometimes with a male overseer) have been found at gravesites. Early Spanish chronicles and contemporary accounts also describe women’s prevalent role as weavers.</p> <p>The sandy soil and dry climate of coastal Peru have preserved ancient textiles well. Despite extremely simple technology, the level of manufacture was very high, with variations impossible to duplicate today on machine-powered looms. Peruvian spinners could produce yarn of great fineness and consistency, measuring 1/250th of an inch in diameter, thus enabling the weaver to produce a textile as tightly woven as 250 threads per inch. These women dealt with more than a simple grid structure. Technical ingenuity was shown in the variety of twined, embroidered, and knitted threads creating rich surfaces and detailed motifs. Patterning began about 1800 B.C. with the techniques of brocade, tapestry, double-cloth, and pattern weave being invented and often brilliantly combined. Subtle and varied color combinations from vegetable and mineral dyes existed from Paracas times onward.</p> <p>Early cotton fabrics made by weft-twining were replaced when a loom with heddles was introduced which expanded an annual production to tens of thousands of square meters of textile and implemented the use of llama, alpaca, and vicuna wool. Despite their basic rectilinear shape, weavings were put to use as varied as ponchos, mantles, wall hangings, and mummy wrappings. As much as 200 pounds of textiles, depending on the person’s wealth, were accumulated for burials. In life as well as in death, possession of fine textiles symbolized status. Sex, age, marital status, and occupation were also signified by wearing textiles of a certain color, size, material, or motif.</p> <p>Accounts after the Incan empire was conquered chronicled textiles' social significance. A wife's desirability was measured by the quality of her weaving. Wives of one household would compete as to who embroidered the best blanket. At Incan weddings husbands gave brides a fine cloth to indicate their joint control of the new household. Incan initiations required four clothing changes, to be woven in a single day by the initiate's mother and sisters.</p> <p>A textile's sacred quality was heightened by the compression and "density" of energy in the garments being transferred to the wearer. Incan shrines of venerated female ancestors included their spindles, handfuls of cotton, and unfinished webs of tapestry as offerings or for keeping fingers busy in the next world. These tools were protected in case of an eclipse, when it was thought a comet would destroy the moon, a female symbol. The spindles would then be in danger of turning into snakes, the looms into bears and jaguars.</p> <p>Throughout Peru's history, the distinguished quality of tapestry tunics, mantles, and diaphanous gauzes made part-time weaving unlikely for those engaged in multiple household duties. This indicates the existence of a class of specialist spinners, dyers, and weavers. All peasants under the Incan empire were required to work and weave for state needs during two-thirds of the year. At first, both men and women spun and wove to satisfy their obligation to the state. Houses were organized for specialized guilds called the <lang>aklla</lang>, weaving or "chosen" women. Aged or infirm men, exempted from mitta, labor services, made ropes, slings, nets, or sacks.</p> <p>Under Spanish colonialism, any artisan manufacture competing with goods of the mother country was initially suppressed. The Spanish introduced a new weaving technology. Today men still use medieval Spanish looms, while Andean women hand spin and weave on indigenous looms and follow original patterns, although their weavings lack the earlier intricacy and subtlety. Factory-produced textiles are also manufactured. A strong textile workers' federation in the 1940s defended the rights of women, despite the fact that female suffrage was not legal until 1955. This union caused Peru to be the only country with a large textile industry to legally prohibit sex discrimination in wages. The history of Peru documents a long tradition of superlative textile art made by women. These works emerged as the product of traditional cultural values. Peruvian weavers were ingenious and dexterous; they utilized natural materials sensitively in what now seems a simpler and temporally slower reality. Within a society with rigidly defined sex roles, women lacked many options. Weaving paradoxically served to focus their vision and allowed their inner resources to be realized. Complexity and beauty glow in the work, which resists grandiosity as false and alien. These works, in which women wrapped and shaped the history of Peru, are true to themselves.</p> <byline>J.G.</byline> </div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_034.jpg" n="34" xml:id="img_0034"/> <div> <head>New Zealand Maori</head> <p><note type="researchNote">14th to the 19th century.</note>In the beginning, Rangi-nui (sky father) and Papa-tua-nuku (earth mother) embraced. Their love produced 70 supernatural beings who, embodied in natural phenomena, were everyday deities. Tane, the oldest child, convinced his brothers and sisters to force their parents apart so that the earth could have light. In this way he became the god of light and took the form of the sun. Tane wanted to create a race of mortals for the earth, and he began a wide search for <lang>uha</lang>, the female element. In his wandering, he reached the twelfth heaven where he sought the aid of Io, supreme god. Io's attendants sent him to Kurawaka, the public region of his mother Papa. There he created a woman from mud and earth, breathing on the inanimate figure until she came to life.</p> <p>Such myths simultaneously reflected and created the status and treatment of women in <placeName key="New Zealand" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q664">New Zealand</placeName> <orgName key="Māori" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6122670">Maori society</orgName>. Man was considered the sacred provider of life-giving elements while woman was regarded as his profane, passive receptacle; men were associated with life and strength, women with death and destruction. Female reproductive organs were called the "house of misfortune and disaster." Distinctions between men and women colored every aspect of life in Maori society: the right side of the body was male and vital, the left female and degraded. These designations had tactical implications in battle and were used to explain good and bad fortune. Women were excluded from access to esoteric knowledge and ceremonial rituals because they were not tapu (sacred). Only highborn men could become <lang>tohunga</lang> (priests) and only <lang>tohunga</lang> knew Io. Women knew only Io's familiar manifestations. Nevertheless, women had their own rituals: they greeted the reappearance of certain constellations—Pleiades (Maori new year) and Canopus (first frost)—with song and dance. The moon, regarded by women as their true husband, was similarly welcomed.</p> <p>A distinct sexual division of labor began after birth when children were dedicated to masculine and feminine roles. When the sacredness of an activity might be destroyed by the presence of women, these tasks were done by men. When the sacredness of men might be degraded by doing certain tasks, these were done by women. In practice, this meant that men's tasks were physically dangerous and seen as challenging: hunting, open-sea fishing, tattooing, and carving wood and greenstone. Women's tasks followed the rhythm of domesticity: collecting food, water, and firewood, cultivating and preparing flax, weaving, and offering hospitality through singing and dancing.</p> <p>Women's decorative impulse found form in the <lang>taniko</lang> designed borders of the cloaks they wove. Weaving was the last stage in a complicated, arduous, even painful process which began with the cultivation of flax and continued through the scraping, plaiting, pounding, and rolling of flax fibers into twine. Girl children learned early that they were destined to become weavers. As babies, their first thumb joint was bent outwards in anticipation of certain tasks. As children, they played to the accompaniment of ditties like: "The woman with nimble hands and feet, marry her; The woman who chatters, cast her out" and "Who will marry a woman too lazy to weave garments?"</p> <p>By the age of nine or ten, girls began complex and ritualized training. They were made <lang>tapu</lang> through a ritual, sitting inactive while a male instructor recited a charm. They were then instructed to bite into the upper part of the right weaving stick which was <lang>tapu</lang> (masculine). Until their first sampler was finished, they were not allowed to communicate with anyone other than the priest or instructor. Eating sow thistle removed the <lang>tapu</lang>.</p> <p>Flax was woven on primitive looms consisting of two sticks in the ground. Taniko elements included triangles, chevrons, diamonds, and hourglass shapes; the predominant colors were red, black, white, and yellow. Feathers were used decoratively in the weaving of garments, kiwi feathers being highly valued, parrot feathers adding bright color. Since they were inserted as the garment was woven, the overall pattern had to be kept in mind. Sometimes, hard strips of flax were curled into tubular forms and hung from a band. This produced a rattling sound during dancing, serving as the unique percussive instrument in Maori culture.</p> <p>Carving was forbidden to women; weaving was open to men. Women used only the <lang>taniko </lang>patterns in their decoration. Men used the <lang>taniko</lang> patterns in carving a single wallboard (<lang>heke tipi</lang>) high above the house porch, but typical male iconography directly represented feared or revered aspects of their environment: stylized human figures, mythic long-tongued sea monsters, lizards and ancestors. Even the more abstract male patterns were related to such elements in their surroundings as sea waves, hammerhead sharks, ferns and sand flounder.</p> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_035.jpg" n="35" xml:id="img_0035"/> <p> Both male and female designs were subject to strict rules; although there were accepted evaluative criteria such as symmetry, rhythm and dramatic use of color, designs were not copied and within formal constraints, originality was expected. Although choices of material and iconography were socially defined for both sexes, men enjoyed more latitude. If art is that which approximates the autonomous, then there was a curious freedom in the restricted iconography of women, since the abstract elements of <lang>taniko</lang> were not reality dictated. But men could use <lang>taniko</lang> too. Since they also had access to schools of weaving, even if they rarely exercised the option, role flexibility was greater for them. Men's political and religious power enabled them to structure language and assign values in Maori society. The actual reciprocity on which the society was based was not acknowledged. Maori mythology reinforced the ideology of male superiority which devalued the tasks and art produced by women.</p> <byline>E.S.</byline> </div> <div> <head>The Chilkat</head> <p>North of Oregon, south of Alaska, is a coastal area abundant with game, fish and vegetation. Here in the late 18th and 19th centuries lived a subgroup of the <orgName key="Tlingit" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q536129">Tlingit</orgName> tribe—the <orgName key="Chilkat" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q12628963">Chilkats</orgName>. Their neighbors were the <orgName key="Tsimshian" ref="http://dbpedia.org/resource/Tsimshian">Tshimshian</orgName>, <orgName key="Kwakwaka'wakw" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1137355">Kwakiutl</orgName> and <orgName key="Haida people" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q210332">Haida</orgName>, with whom they traded, fought, and intermarried.</p> <p>Basic survival needs could be met with relative ease among the Chilkats because of the lush environment. The Chilkat society was a chiefdom, based economically on the redistribution of goods within a network of family groups linked through matrilineal descent. Resources were owned communally, while special highly decorated objects were accumulated to give prestige to heads of the individual clans. Among these objects was a type of shawl or robe, popularly referred to as a "blanket."</p> <p>The story is told that a Chilkat bride of a Tshimshian chief learned the art of making cedarbark dance aprons and leggings. When she died, a dance apron was sent home to her relatives, who unraveled it in order to understand how it was made. They began then to make blankets in the same fashion, although eventually they became far better-known as weavers than the Tshimshian.</p> <p>Blankets were woven with yarn spun from mountain goat wool with a core of yellow cedarbark twine. Men hunted the goats and made the half-loom; women spun and dyed the yarn black, blue, yellow, and white from hemlock, copper, and vegetable dyes. In all instances, women were the weavers. They set up the loom and tied off the warp bundles to form a shallow curve along the lower edge of the blanket. While in certain cases they copied patterns painted on boards by men, in others they designed their own weaving patterns. There were two distinct styles of Chilkat blankets. The first was abstract with chevrons, stripes, enclosing borders, and squares. This was the women’s style. The second, the men's style, was representational using signs or symbols for man, animals, and water life.</p> <p>The abstract and representational styles shared many characteristics. In addition to the unique curved shape of the lower edge, the visual field in both is highly active and extremely dense, although the mode of expression looks dissimilar.</p> <p>The male-style blankets reflected men's foraging activities through bilateral symmetry and x-ray and transparent portrayals of animal motifs. The blanket, organized by a central panel and two flanking sides, was itself like a flayed animal skin. Because of the Chilkat's desire for design density, the overlay of motifs sometimes made interpretation of the blankets difficult, if not impossible. The animal characteristics portrayed were often determined by a dream that the male artist or the patron had. As designers of the representational blankets, men brought their dreamlife into the waking world as a record of their encounters with the supernatural. We have no such record of the women's dreams.</p> <p>Women were prohibited from creating designs involving life forms, so that while simultaneously producing men's blankets, women wove their own using a purely abstract design system. Variation of visual elements, contrast of yarn color, and variety of texture created blankets with strong graphic and sensual impact. The geometric patterns with alternating areas of linear density created a rhythmic variation which broke the uniformity of the field. Design in the women's style was even denser than in the men's. By filling the space from edge to edge, the weavers virtually eliminated any illusion of shallow planar recession. Instead, they created an advancing plane by the addition of wool and bark fringes protruding from the body of the robes which emphasized the flatness and frontality of the surface conception. Instead of the dreamlike meditations implied in the men's blankets, the female style was at once more accessible and more reserved: accessible through the emphasis on the physicality of the textile, reserved because of the impenetrability <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_036.jpg" n="36" xml:id="img_0036"/> of the design. Because of the limited number of design elements, the variation of combinations gave richness to the weavings. Just as the women were not at the center of the power hierarchy of the Chilkat clans, their art did not rely on signs central to the culture. The limited motifs available to women were indicative of the women’s position in relation to the status quo, the fabric out of which the blankets were created.</p> <p>Both men's and women's blankets were highly valued and were used in a variety of ceremonies. Given as dowry, along with songs, dances and titles, they were commonly made for the potlatch. Potlatch was integral to Chilkat life. These were competitive ceremonies involving the distribution and destruction of wealth. Blankets were often cut up and handed round or burned in vast quantities of salmon oil. Guests sometimes collected pieces of blankets they received as gifts and later reassembled them into new blankets, shirts, or dance aprons. In this way, they created collage motifs and symbols. The recipient was obliged to pay back the gift, preferably with interest. Blankets therefore were a currency of obligation. The Chilkats based their interpersonal relations on desire for power and control, intense competition coupled with a philosophy of conspicuous consumption. The many social ceremonies in which the Chilkats demonstrated these characteristics created an unending demand for prestigious art objects, like the blankets. At some point in their history, the Chilkats began to support professional artists to meet these needs. Partly as a result of the desire to consume or destroy costly items, the Chilkats valued objects that were very difficult to produce. The intricacy of the men's style blanket patterns made them more highly valued than the women's style; these considerations were central to the Chilkat ideas of aesthetic appreciation.</p> <p>Men's concerns were at the center of their society's power structure – represented in blankets by hunting and mythological motifs. However, even though the women's style did not demonstrate the same access to the culture's core concerns, their blankets were highly regarded. The competitive give-aways which commissioned the prestige-laden blankets of both styles raised the weavers' status. As European contact increased, European standards infiltrated the Chilkat community and affected the production of female-style blankets. The increased demand for representational blankets, sought after for their unique yet recognizable images, limited the time the weavers had to produce their own type of textile. It is partly as a result of this influence that the female-style Chilkat blankets have received so little attention.</p> <byline>L.G.</byline> </div> <div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_037.jpg" n="37" xml:id="img_0037"/> <head>The Navajo</head> <p><q>Spider Woman instructed the Navajo women how to weave on a loom. The warp was of spider web. There were crosspoles of sky and earth cords, warp sticks of sun rays, and healds of rock crystal and sheet lightning. The batten was sun halo, and white shell made the comb. The four spindles were of flash lightning with a whorl of turquoise, lightning with a whorl of abalone, a rain streamer with a whorl of white shell and zigzag lightning with a whorl of coal. <bibl>—A Navajo Legend</bibl></q></p> <p> The <orgName key="Navajo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q108266">Navajos</orgName> explained the origins of weaving through the myth of Spider Woman. As an art form weaving reflected a changing Navajo culture and therefore serves as a valuable and permanent record. Through their vigorous design and color, and the technical skill involved, Navajo blankets expressed women’s vision and artistry.</p> <p>Blankets were woven for many needs but were essentially used for clothing and warmth. Their other uses were as bedding, saddle blankets, and floor coverings for sitting. They were also used as doorways to Navajo homes, called <lang>hogans</lang>. The blankets were secular, not ceremonial, textiles through which the women expressed a strong personal connection to the people using them. Blankets represented, and perhaps symbolized through their design, the life of the wearer. When worn, the blanket's linear design emphasized the verticality of a standing person. The wearing of blankets enlivened the environment, not only visually, but also through the symbolic meanings of color. To the Navajo red meant Blessed Sunshine, white the East or Morning Light, blue the South which was cloudless, yellow the West or the Sunset, and black the North where dark clouds originated. Combinations evoked naturalistic images. For example, black vertical lines might represent rain, and on a yellow background, the rain in the evening sky. Women followed certain traditional forms, but each weaver made her own interpretation and wove the blanket herself. Individuality of the blankets was highly regarded; each weaver's ideas and feelings could be expressed in unique designs which were never repeated.</p> <p>In Navajo society, women historically have been greatly respected and thought the equal of men. Deep religiosity and mythology permeated daily life, explaining natural phenomena and daily tasks, and creating their history. Woman was deified in Navajo mythology as Changing Woman, a central figure who designed the <lang>hogans</lang>. By hanging her blankets as a doorway and designating their colors as those of "Dawn, Sky Blue, Evening Twilight, and Darkness," women connected the domestic, natural, and religious spheres, a synthesis typical of Navajo life structure. Women headed the separate family units and managed their economic affairs. In this matrilineal society, women’s participation in rituals and in political activities was considered essential. Their chores included cooking, sewing, caring for the house and children, gathering wood, hauling water, butchering livestock, and herding the sheep from which they prepared the wool for their weaving. This preparation included shearing the wool and <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_038.jpg" n="38" xml:id="img_0038"/> carding, spinning and dyeing it. Frequently women built their own looms, which were set up outside in summer and inside the <lang>hogan</lang> in winter. Looms were made of logs placed vertically and could be dismantled for transport from summer to winter grazing grounds. The women designed and wove their blankets, without prior drawings, as their time and chores allowed. The earliest-known examples of the Navajo blanket date from <date when="1805">1805</date>. However, the first Navajos who migrated to the Southwest United States in 1000 A.D. probably used tree and bark fibers. It was not until the fifteenth century when Spanish livestock was brought to the neighboring Pueblo Indians, that Navajo weaving changed significantly. Through trade and raids, the Navajo got sheep which provided the women with softer threads and the varying colors of natural fleece. Exposure to the weaving techniques of the Pueblos in the late seventeenth century influenced Navajo weavers to experiment with new techniques and develop a style of alternating bands of natural wool colors.</p> <p>As dyes and yarns were obtained through trade, new colors began to be used. One of the earliest colors was a red whose source was the unraveled, respun, and rewoven threads of an English fabric called "bayeta," imported by the Spaniards and traded to the Pueblos. Because of their complexity and technical skill, these "bayeta" blankets were renowned among the Spanish and other tribes. To own a Navajo blanket was considered a sign of honor.</p> <p>Stylistic changes also occurred after contact with North American culture. In the 1860s the Navajos fought with and finally surrendered to <persName key="Kit Carson" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q379673">Kit Carson</persName> at <placeName key="Fort Sumner" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1514927">Fort Sumner</placeName>, where they were imprisoned for four years. Although conditions there were not good, the Navajos assimilated many new influences. One of the dominant and most startling styles to come out of this period was the "Eye-Dazzler," so called for its interplay of expressive pattern and vivid color. This style, as well as others, showed the weaver’s mastery in its finely spun wool, even and tightly woven texture, boldness and energy of design, and subtlety in its skillful handling and control. In relation to this highly developed artistic decísion-making <persName key="Gladys Reichard" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q15998733">Gladys Reichard</persName>, in <title level="m">Weaving a Navajo Blanket</title>, speaks of the weaver Atlnaba who "spends hours experimenting with the colors at her command... She may discard a dozen greens and yellows before she accepts one.</p> <p>Men and women in Navajo society used different aesthetic systems to filter and express their perceptions. Men’s art, unlike the women's, was religious. Sand paintings, whose powers were guarded in secret and destroyed after the ritual, used figurative imagery to summon the spirits and gain vicarious control over nature. Women’s art, however, was visible in everyday use. Women employed a nonfigurative and abstract imagery, powerfully reflecting the desert landscape in which the Navajo lived, a landscape of horizontality, expansiveness, drama, and vivid color. The strength of their aesthetic language and the power of its expressiveness reveal the great pride Navajo women felt in their social and economic importance and the value of their activities.</p> <byline>J.F.</byline> </div> <div> <head>Lacemakers of Western Europe</head> <p>Wearing and making lace was important in Europe from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. Lace appears to us today as a delicate and innocent fabric. The world in which it existed was far from innocent, and despite its appearance, lace and its history illustrate this. Like other luxuries, most lace could be had only by the wealthy. The women who made it rarely benefited from it. While their products were coveted, they worked under poor and sometimes hazardous conditions. As symbols of status, laces left the humble homes of lacemakers to enter a world removed from their lives.</p> <p>The two most highly prized laces were "needlepoint," which depended entirely on the buttonhole stitch, and "bobbin," in which thread was woven, twisted, and braided around bobbins. These laces were made by women of all classes. Wealthier women made it for recreation and because it befitted their roles as "cultivated ladies." Poorer women made it to sell. Lace made for personal use contained any design of the woman’s imagination and cultural heritage. Motifs included fantastical animals, birds, human figures or religious scenes or symbols. Designs for commerce were more limited. They were usually created by male patternmakers according to prevailing fashion, although commercial lacemakers' own interpretations were also highly valued. Each country and region had indigenous designs, but if lacemakers moved to new areas, they took their patterns and drawings with them. Many towns were financially dependent on this female industry despite the low wages paid.</p> <p>The process of making lace was painstaking and required close scrutiny. The thread was so fine that complicated means were necessary to magnify it. Many lacemakers went blind by the time they were thirty. Every effort was made to keep the lace clean and delicate, mostly at the expense of the lacemaker's health. Often thread spinning and lacemaking were done in damp cellars to prevent the thread from becoming brittle and breaking. In winter lacemakers worked in lofts above cowsheds for warmth so that the lace was kept away from smokey fireplaces. Its production was time-consuming; a woman could spend a whole year on a single piece of Valenciennes. In <date when="1855">1855</date> <persName key="Napoleon III" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7721">Napoleon III</persName> ordered a dress for <persName key="Eugènie de Montijo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q157130">Princess Eugenie</persName> which took 36 women 18 months to complete. Even when not involved in such ambitious projects, women might spend 12 to 15 hours each day making lace.</p> <p>Lace was produced in whole pieces or in parts depending on the design. Making separate parts entailed a division of labor determined by specialization and skill. Some women were better at making the ground net, others at filling in the flowers, etc. The most skilled worker assembled the entire piece.</p> <p>To sell their work, lacemakers were immersed in a cumbersome commercial process, called the "facteur" or middleman system. A commercial house (manufacturer) was represented by a facteur who, acting as its agent, supplied lacemakers with patterns and raw materials on credit. Finished pieces were then sold to the facteur who in turn resold them to the manufacturer. There was little or no contact between lacemakers and manufacturers. Facteurs were usually women—former lacemakers who could supervise other lacemakers and who were counted on to drive a hard bargain for the manufacturer. Since lacemakers were totally dependent on facteurs for their work and raw material, they were unable to bargain for better pay or working conditions. Their only other option was to become facteurs. The contradiction of this system is that through personal advancement the women who became facteurs helped to perpetuate the exploitation of their former peers.</p> <p>For aristocratic women instruction in lacemaking prepared them for futures as "noble ladies." Poor girls were taught at home, in convents, or in charitable institutions. Convents established apprenticeships where girls began their training at five and by ten were able to earn their keep. They were taught lacemaking not to master an art but to make a living. Women of both classes were denied the opportunity to direct their own lives. The notion that women were suited to <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_039.jpg" n="39" xml:id="img_0039"/> work which required patience and perseverance directly resulted from the constraints imposed upon them by society.</p> <p>Ironically most lacemakers did not benefit from the beauty and romance of lace. In addition, their products became symbols in a world in which they did not participate. Lace was highly valued by the rich because it represented their position in society. Men boasted about how much land their lace was worth; they appeared in ballrooms wearing as much of it as they could. Women wore it as a reflection of their husbands' or fathers' wealth. Lace became a nationalistic emblem. Countries were highly competitive in its display and production. Monarchs decreed that only their favorite native laces could appear in court. Edicts were proclaimed banning the use of foreign laces to protect home industries and black markets involving smuggling and kidnapping developed to undermine these laws. When lace designs were traded, they were secretly guarded. When Belgium tried to prevent the theft of lace imported from France, these designs were so cut up when distributed to lacemakers that their entirety was unknown to any individual woman. It was feared that a lacemaker would attempt to smuggle or to sell the design.</p> <p>Lace made by women for personal use was often kept by their families which also preserved the memory of the lacemakers. Lace made to sell was and is perceived as anonymous. Although most lacemakers remain unknown to us, their art is silent witness to the arduous and creative work which was their tradition.</p> <byline>B.L.</byline> </div> <div> <head>Speculations</head> <p>Because art, its creation, and the theories surrounding it are political, we have placed the textile art made by women in traditional societies into a cultural context, instead of simply considering the artifacts. We have explored aspects of women's art in each of five cultures, relating them to women's broader social identities. Our assumption that art dialectically reflects and contributes to the creation of society was basic to our study and revealed in our research.</p> <p>Peruvian textiles were viewed as sacred; as such, women making them performed this task as a ceremonial act of creation. Textiles reflected status within Peruvian culture, making the weavers responsible for visibly defining differences of rank.</p> <p>In Maori society, women were considered nonsacred and socially inferior. Activities like wood and greenstone carving were forbidden to them. It was possible for men, on the other hand, to weave and use women’s designs, although they usually undertook women's tasks only as instructors in weaving schools where they initiated girls into the ritual, technique, and aesthetics of weaving.</p> <p>In Chilkat society, rank and privilege were inherited matrilineally, but women did not really own the titles passed down to them by birthright. Instead, titles were given by women's fathers to their husbands at the time of marriage The distinctions of female/male status can also be seen in relation to blanket making. While men designed the representational blankets, women executed their designs. Despite a certain lack of legitimate power, women exerted covert power as weavers by inserting disruptive motifs into the spaces on and between male mythological designs. More importantly, women designed and wove blankets which were also highly valued by their culture, although not representational in style.</p> <p>Women in Navajo society were well respected. Their responsibilities and powers were equal to those of men. Though it was possible for women to participate in the making of religious art, they rarely did so, preferring to maintain the female tradition of weaving. Their weaving used strong abstract imagery. Their textiles were highly valued both inside and outside the tribe.</p> <p>Class differences in Western Europe affected the production of lace. Wealthy women made it as part of their required repertoire of ladylike leisure accomplishments. Poor women made it for a living. Paradoxically, this afforded them a certain autonomy that richer women did not achieve, but this autonomy did not extend to conceptual control over commercial lace design. Because our research has focused on particular aspects of five cultures, we are not making universal claims. Rather we have explored alternative ways of looking at and trying to understand women and their products. These have included:</p> <list> <item>• working collectively in our research, discussions, and writing;</item> <item>• questioning our information sources, particularly in terms of their andro- and ethnocentrism;</item> <item>• articulating our own filters, consistent with our contention that objectivity in research or interpretation is neither possible nor even desirable.</item> </list> <p>We came to our project curious, confused, angry that even within the already denigrated category of "traditional art," women's objects had often been overlooked or misrepresented. We were ready to be sympathetic to the women whose objects had attracted us to this research in the first place.</p> <p>But we wanted to avoid merely replacing one set of distorting biases for another. We wanted to understand our curiosity, clarify our confusion, find the sources of our anger without anachronistically using contemporary Western notions like oppression of women to explain sex hierarchies. We were wary of our sympathy for the objects and their makers and did not wish to impose a simple translation of Western definitions of art onto societies where art had a very different meaning. All the speculations that follow should be read in the context of these qualifications.</p> <p>There is a contradictory freedom in the abstract style of women's art in some of these cultures (Maori, Chilkat, Navajo). Women's iconography did not directly function in the service of male religion and therefore was not subservient to male mythology. The "abstractness" of women's art has to be questioned. Men, investigating New Zealand Maori male design, have taken great pains to discover that, though abstract, this iconography is an exaggerated stylization of natural objects in the Maori environment. Yet the literature <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_040.jpg" n="40" xml:id="img_0040"/> on women's styles denies that their abstractions also have meaning. Chilkat men designed their dreams into the blankets woven by their women. Because their symbols have been interpreted more than the designs of the women does not negate the possibility that female abstractions have symbolic meaning too. That the making of Navajo blankets was embedded in the myth of Spider Woman and that their colors and designs call to mind so evocatively the atmosphere of the Navajo environment suggest the possibility of a latent symbolism.</p> <p> Even the claim that men have often tended to be the designers and women the makers (of Chilkat blankets, of lace) cannot be accepted at face value. In the Chilkat society, women challenged the constraints imposed by male designers by inserting their own motifs. By the time lacemaking had become an industry men were the acknowledged designers, although the industry drew on the long tradition of cottage lacemaking. Women had been sovereign over the whole process, and undoubtedly many designs had their origins in what women had been creating for centuries.</p> <p>Though our focus has been on the female/male contradiction, other forms of stratification existed in Peruvian, Maori, Chilkat, and European society. Status distinctions separated women from each other as well as women from men. Lace was made in the context of early capitalism in which old feudal distinctions between the high and low-born were giving way to class structures. As lace was produced for commerce, the opportunity for some poor women to become facteurs developed. This created additional inequalities in income and status between lacemakers. In Maori society the advantages of being a <lang>puhi</lang> or woman aristocrat (more elaborate clothing, ornamentation, responsibilities for organizing entertainment) were tempered by restrictions, particularly on her sexual freedom, her choice of husband and lovers. The Chilkat social structure was stratified into chiefs, commoners, and slaves; women occupied all three ranks. As has been discussed, though rank was matrilineally inherited, the women who owned titles tended, in turn, to be the property of men. The Navajo society, where women enjoyed equality with men and there was mutual respect between the sexes, was not hierarchical. Apparently, the more stratified a society is and the more its production depends on the existence of castes and classes, the more likely it is that women in general, and women in less prestigious groups in particular, will be designated inferior in practice, ideology, and myth.</p> <p>What strikes us is that despite the potential of traditional social structures to muffle and distort the artistic expression of women, the effect on women’s artmaking was contradictory. Conceptualization was separated from execution of design in Chilkat and Peruvian societies and, most extremely. among employed lacemakers in Western Europe. The range of media and motifs available to women was restricted in Maori and Chilkat societies, and women's art was designated as nonreligious in societies such as the Navajo and Maori where religion was valued. Despite these limitations, women's textiles asserted themselves as beautiful art objects. Out of this contradiction, women invented a varied abstract visual language. We are not attempting to resolve that contradiction, which is a real one. It is not our point that the objects women made were, or need to be, judged qualitatively as equal, inferior, or superior to those of men. What we are saying is that we do not subscribe to these categorizations.</p> <p>We cannot neglect the contexts, both real and ideological, in which women's art has been made. Our critique questions the social and political structures which created and perpetuated discriminating hierarchies. By looking at traditional societies through our Western, female eyes, we can acknowledge the biased quality of our interpretations. We can also see how contemporary biases were anticipated by the discriminatory attitudes toward women characteristic of the cultures we have investigated.</p> <p>We take for granted that women's self-expression in textiles was artistic expression. Social structures and supporting mythologies did have the potential to thwart creative needs of women. What was important was women's ability to break codes, to play with format, and to transcend limitations. Women often had to subvert societal dictates in order to gain access to a fundamental human need—that of artistic self-expression. Any attempt to deny this need is a painful form of oppression. That women in traditional societies have been resourceful and spirited in challenging this must be celebrated.</p> </div> <div> <bibl> <author>Anderson, Johannes C.</author> <title>Maori Life in Ao-Tea.</title> Christchurch, Wellington and Dunnedin, New Zealand; Melbourne and London Whitcombe and Tombs 1907 </bibl> <bibl> <author>Averkieva, Julia</author> <title>“The Tlingit Indians,” in <persName key="Eleanor Leacock" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5354318" role="aut">Eleanor Leacock</persName> and <persName role="aut">O. Lurie</persName>, eds., <title>North American Indians in Historical Perspective</title>.</title> New York: Random House, 1971 pp. 317-342. </bibl> <bibl> <author>Benedict, Ruth,</author> <title>Patterns of Culture (with a new introduction).</title> Boston Houghton Mifflin, 1959 </bibl> <bibl> <author>Bird, J.,</author> <title>“Textile Designing and Samplers in Peru," in <persName key="Samuel Kirkland Lothrop" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q15129899">S. K. Lothrop</persName>. <title key="Essays in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology. Samuel K. Lothrop and Others (27 essays). Harvard University Press, 1961. viii + 507 pp., 230 figs., 4 tables, 2 charts. $12.50" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q59225706">Essays in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology.</title></title> Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961 <biblScope unit="page">pp. 299-316.</biblScope> </bibl> <bibl> <author>Bird, J. and L. Bellinger</author>, <title>Paracas Fabrics and Nazca Needlework, 3rd century B.C.--3rd century A.D.</title> Washington, D.C.: Washington, D.C. Textile Museum. 1954. </bibl> <bibl> <author>Boas, Franz.</author> <title>Primitive Art.</title> New York: Dover, reprint, 1955. <author>Burnham, Jack,</author> <title>The Structure of Art,</title> New York: Braziller, 1971. </bibl> <bibl> <author>Chaplin, D.,</author> <title>The Peruvian Industrial Labor Force.</title> Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1967. </bibl> <bibl><author>Cowan, James,</author> <title><title key="The Maoris of New Zealand 1" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q64321814" level="a">The Maoris of New Zealand</title>.</title> Christchurch, Wellington and Dunedin, New Zealand; Melbourne and London: Whitcombe and Tombs, 1910.</bibl><bibl><author>Cowan, James,</author> <title>The Maori People of New Zealand.</title> New Zealand Government Publicity Production, 1928.</bibl><bibl> <author>Denney G., and C. Osborne, eds.,</author> <title>Textiles of Ancient Peru and Their Techniques</title>. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1962.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Dockstadter, Frederick J.,</author> “<title level="a">Indian Art in the Southwest.</title>” in <title level="m">American Indian Art: Form and Tradition</title>. Minneapolis: Walker Center and Minneapolis Institute of Arts, 1972, pp. 63-69.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Drucker, Philip.</author> <title>Indians of the Northwest Coast</title>. Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press, 19.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Fiske, P. L., ed.,</author> <title>Irene Emery Roundtable of Museum Textiles</title>. Washington, D.C.: Washington, D.C. Textile Museum, 1974.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Fraser, Douglas, ed.,</author> <title>The Columbia University Exhibition of Ancient Textiles from Peru, the Central Coast</title>. New York: Program of Advanced Studies at Graduate Faculties, Columbia University, 1965.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Gayton, A. H.,</author> <title level="a">“Cultural Significance of Peruvian Textiles, Production, Function. Aesthetics,"</title> in J. H. Rowe and Menzel, <title level="m">Peruvian Archaeology</title>. Berkeley: Peek Publications, Mountain View, CA. 1967.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Goldwater, Robert,</author> <title>Primitives in Modern Art</title>. New York:<publisher> Vintage Press.</publisher> 1967.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Harris, Ann Sutherland and Linda Nochlin,</author> <title key="Harris, Ann Sutherland 1937-. | Women artists 1550-1950" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/3774151474945400490005/">Women Artists 1550-1950</title>. Los Angeles and New York: Los Angeles County Museum and Alfred A. Knopf, 1976.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Heuer, Berys,</author> <title>Maori Women</title>. Wellington, Sydney, London: A. H. and A. W. Reed., 1972.</bibl> <bibl><author>James, George Wharton</author>, <title>Indian Blankets and Their Makers</title>. McClurg. 1914.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Kahlenberg. Mary and Anthony Berlant,</author> <title>The Navajo Blanket</title>. New York: Praeger, Kellogg. Mrs. Charlotte (Hoffman), The Bobbins of Belgium. New York: Funk and Wagnall, 1920.</bibl> <bibl> <author>King. M. E.,</author> <title>Textiles and Basketry of the Paracas Period, Ice Valley, Peru.</title> Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1965.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Mead, C.,</author> <title>Old Civilizations of Iceland.</title> New York: Museum of Natural History, 1924 Murra, J.. “Cloth and Its Functions in the Inca State,” American Anthropologist, 64, 1962,pp. 710-728.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Palliser, Mrs. Fanny (Marryat),</author> <title>The History of Lace.</title> New York: Scribners Sons, 1902. </bibl> <bibl> <author>Paz, Octavio,</author> <title>Essay in In Praise of Hands, Contemporary Crafts of the World.</title> Greenwich. Conn.: New York Graphic Society, 1974, pp. 17-24.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Phillips, W. J.,</author> <title>Maori Life and Custom.</title> Wellington, Auckland, Sydney: A. H. and A. W. Reed, 1966.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Reichard, Gladys,</author> <title>Social Life of the Navajo Indians.</title> New York: Columbia University Press, 1928.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Reichard, Gladys,</author> <title>Weaving a Navajo Blanket.</title> New York: Dover, reprint, 1936 </bibl> <bibl> <author>Schneider, Peggy,</author> <title>“Children of Changing Woman: Myth, Symbol, and Navajo Women."</title> Exhibition at Wheelwright Museum, July 31-October 30, 1977. </bibl> <bibl> <author>Stafford, C. E.,</author> <title>Paracas Embroideries.</title> New York: Augustin, 1941.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Vreeland, J.,</author> <title>“Ancient Andean Textiles, Clothes for the Dead,” Archaeology,</title> 30 (3) 1977, pp. 166-178.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Warble, Patricia,</author> <title>Victorian Lace.</title> London: Praeger, 1968.</bibl> <bibl> <author>Wingert, Paul S.,</author> <title>Primitive Art: Its Traditions and Style.</title> Cleveland and New York: World Publishing, 1962. </bibl> </div> </div> </body> <back> <div> <p> Jean Feinberg is a painter living in New York City. Lenore Goldberg is a New York painter involved with pattern and collage. Julie Gross is an artist living in New York who teaches at <orgName>Pratt New York Phoenix School of Design</orgName>. Bella Lieberman does art and secretarial work in New York City. Elizabeth Sacre, an Australian, is studying literature and education at <orgName key="Teachers College" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7691246">Columbia University Teachers College</orgName>.</p> </div> </back> </text> </TEI>
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Tehuana</title></head> <byline><name><persName key="Hayden Herrera" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q56305697">Hayden Herrera</persName></name></byline> <p> <persName key="Frida Kahlo" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5588">Frida Kahlo</persName> (1910-1954) was one of those strong, vivid people who surmounts all sorts of odds. Unrestrained by her native Mexico's male-dominant culture, Kahlo did pretty much what she pleased. Though she was best known as the wife of the renowned muralist, <persName key="Diego Rivera" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q171128">Diego Rivera</persName>, she was admired as a highly original painter whose work pursued totally different goals from her husband's. While Rivera broadcast public messages on public walls, Frida Kahlo painted intensely personal images on small pieces of tin. At 15, Kahlo was crippled for life by a bus accident that almost killed her; yet she became famous for her heroic "allegria." She led a full and complex life, traveling to the United States and to France where she exhibited her paintings. Her house in the <placeName key="Mexico City" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1489">Mexico City</placeName> suburb of <placeName key="Coyoacán" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q661315">Coyoacan</placeName>, now the <orgName key="Frida Kahlo Museum" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2663377">Frida Kahlo Museum</orgName>, was a mecca for visiting dignitaries; the Riveras entertained everybody from <persName key="Leon Trotsky" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q33391">Leon Trotsky</persName> to <persName key="André Breton" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q161955">André Breton</persName> to <persName key="Sergei Eisenstein" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q8003">Sergei Eisenstein</persName>.</p> <p>But what perhaps most attracts the attention of people today is Kahlo's painting. The majority of her paintings are self-portraits, the most accessible subject for someone who spent her life in and out of hospitals and did much of her painting in bed. Self-portraits were a way of confronting, confirming and extending her reality. Kahlo depicted precisely what was going on in her life—birth, abortion, miscarriage, love, divorce, surgical operations, political passions, thoughts of death—with astonishing honesty. The result is a lasting record of female experience that strikes many resonances today. Indeed, Frida Kahlo has become something of a role model for women artists both in the United States and in Mexico.</p> <p>Anyone looking at her photograph and Self-Portrait (1948) can see that Kahlo was a striking beauty. With her full lips, piercing black eyes and heavy connecting brows, she would have attracted attention anywhere. But she enhanced her exotic appearance by choosing as her daily attire the costume of the women from the <placeName key="Isthmus of Tehuantepec" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q392250">Isthmus of Tehuantepec</placeName>—an embroidered blouse and a long skirt of purple or red velvet with a ruffled hem. In many self-portraits, Kahlo wears an elaborate Tehuana headdress that drapes over her shoulders like a shawl and frames her face with pleats of starched lace reminiscent of an outsized Elizabethan ruff. Frida Kahlo arranged her hair in intricate Mexican hairdos decorated with ribbons, clips, combs and flowers. She adored jewelry, and her hands were a constantly changing exhibition of rings. In U.S. cities and in Paris, Frida Kahlo was a traffic stopper and a hostess's delight. Art dealer <persName key="Julien Levy" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3189569">Julien Levy</persName> remembers the commotion Frida Kahlo once created in a Manhattan bank when she walked in followed by a pack of children crying, "Where is the circus?"</p> <p>Kahlo did not choose her picturesque clothing simply out of exhibitionism, though a taste for spectacle may well have been part of her motive. As her self-portraits in Tehuana costumes show, her reasons for dressing that way were complex. If one compares Frida Kahlo's self-portraits as a Tehuana with the depictions of women in Mexican costumes by the nineteenth-century "Costumbrista" painters, or even with Diego Rivera 's portrait of Frida as a Tehuana in a San Francisco mural, one detects something intensely charged and peculiar in the relationship between Kahlo and her costume. In some paintings, her Tehuana dress hangs empty, without Frida in it. The costume seems to have little to do with local color and much to do with a disjunctive sense of her own identity. Surrounded by the lace headdress, for example, her dark, slightly mustachioed face looks perverse and even demonic. Her features are determinedly composed and yet brimming with emotion.</p> <p>On the simplest level, Frida Kahlo might have dressed in Tehuana costumes because she loved exotic objects that brought the aura of distant places to the confinement of her Mexico City home. Perhaps because she was an invalid and acutely aware of the fragility of her hold on life, Frida Kahlo had a strong love for material objects. She amassed a large collection of "little things"—dolls, toys of clay or straw, costumes, jewelry, pre-Columbian idols and all kinds of popular art. She relished the concreteness of these objects, I suspect, as well as their novelty or visual appeal. Kahlo's friends recall the pleasure she took in the presents they brought her. Souvenirs of other people's wanderings must have precipitated imaginary voyages in her mind. Two years after her bus accident, seventeen-year-old Frida wrote to a friend, "My greatest desire for a long time has been to travel. All that is left to me is the melancholy of those who have read travel books."</p> <p>Most likely she was not consciously identifying with any specific ethnic myth when she chose the Tehuana costume from the many regional costumes Mexico has to offer. (Kahlo did sometimes wear costumes from other areas of her country as well.) <persName key="Tehuantepec" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q20286931"><orgName key="Tehuantepec" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q20286931">Tehuantepec</orgName></persName> women are famous for being stately, beautiful, smart, brave and strong; according to legend, theirs is a matriarchal society where women run the markets, handle fiscal matters and dominate the men. Although association with these characteristics</p> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_061.jpg" n="61" xml:id="img_0061"/> <p> would not have displeased Frida Kahlo—it probably would have amused her—her selection of the Tehuana costume simply because it was pretty and festive would be more in character. In fact, she said she wore it out of coquetry: she wanted the long swaying skirts to conceal a limp caused by a bout with polio at the age of six that left one leg longer than the other; she also wanted the costume to hide her injured foot.</p> <p>Besides disguising defects, wearing the Tehuana costume expressed a point of view. It was a statement of Kahlo's passionate identification with her Mexican heritage, an identification stressed by Kahlo's witty, but consciously vulgar, marketplace manner of speaking. Although her father was a German Jew of Austro-Hungarian descent and her mother a Mexican of mixed Spanish and Indian extraction, Frida Kahlo emphasized the Indian in her ancestry. The value Kahlo set on all things native and on all things made by what she called "la raza" (the people) was shared by her husband Diego Rivera and by a whole generation of artists and intellectuals in post-revolutionary Mexico. Their fervent "Mexicanismo" went hand in hand with the adoption of a certain primitivism of style and subject matter in the arts. The folkloric impulse in Mexican culture of this period can be taken as a generally leftist, anticolonialist political statement. Nativism also led to an enthusiastic investigation of the popular arts—including regional costumes. When <persName key="Anna Pavlova" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151874">Anna Pavlova</persName> danced a Mexican ballet in Mexico City, she wore a native costume. It was not long before sophisticated urban women adopted the idea for everyday fashion. For example, the Riveras' friend, the painter and photographer, <persName key="Rosa Rolando" ref="https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q23008902">Rosa Rolando</persName> (born in Los Angeles) managed to look more Tehuana than the Tehuanas by braiding her hair and wearing Tehuana garb. Her husband <persName key="Miguel Covarrubias" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1709505">Miguel Covarrubias</persName>, the writer, painter and cartoonist for <title key="Vanity Fair" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q158283">Vanity Fair</title>, helped to popularize this "Indian" look when he wrote rhapsodically about the Tehuanas in <title key="Mexico South" ref="https://openlibrary.org/books/OL6500141M/Mexico_south">Mexico South</title>, published in 1946.</p> <p>In the 1940s, the cult of Indianism spread to bohemian milieus in the United States. I suspect that both for Frida Kahlo and for urban women in other parts of the world, dressing in peasant costumes had to do with the notion that the peasant is more earth-bound and therefore more deeply sensual than the urban sophisticate. To dress in this exotic way, instead of wearing tailored city clothes, gave women a sense of abandon, a permission to feel uninhibited about their bodies. Men liked women to dress in peasant styles too, for in a sense this clothing joined the idea of the earthy, sexual peasant to the idea of the female as nature, not culture. Thus by wearing Indian costumes women declared their primitive connection with nature and their own sexuality. In addition, there is a political dimension to their identification with this popular art form. As usually happens when folk costumes are adopted by sophisticated people, this peasant style did not catch on with men, in Mexico or in the United States. Diego Rivera, for example, chose to wear denim worker's overalls, not the familiar white shirt and pants of the Mexican Indian, to assert his espousal of antibourgeois values. Similarly, in some of her more specifically political moments, Frida Kahlo cropped her hair like a boy and wore denim skirts and work shirts decorated with the Communist star or the hammer and sickle.</p> <p>Rivera loved the look of the Tehuanas and he brought back costumes for Frida from his trips to Tehuantepec. His enthusiasm for Tehuanas is seen in a series of oil paintings of Tehuantepec women he painted in 1929, the year he married Frida. (Tehuanas also appear in his murals and in a 1935 series of watercolors of Tehuantepec scenes.) Very possibly Frida Kahlo caught Diego's enthusiasm. Before she married, Kahlo dressed in European-style clothes. Her first self-portrait (1926) shows her as an elegantly dressed woman. But, what was unusual for those times, she occasionally wore pants, perhaps to cover the scars from her accident. It was only after her marriage that Frida began to dress and to paint herself as a Tehuana, and it is likely that she did this to please her husband as well as to please herself. Perhaps significantly, Frida explained that the Tehuana Frida in her double self-portait, <title key="The Two Fridas" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3232010">The Two Fridas</title> (1939), was the Frida Diego had loved, while the Frida in the white, European-style, Victorian dress was the Frida Diego had stopped loving during the year they were divorced. The possibility that Frida Kahlo wore Tehuana costumes partly to please Diego is also suggested in <title key="Self-Portrait with Cropped Hair" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q19884567">Self-Portrait with Cropped Hair</title> (1940), likewise painted during her divorce from Diego. Here she has cut off her long hair and dressed herself in a man's suit large enough to have been Diego's. By destroying attributes of sexuality (the long hair and Tehuana clothes that gave pleasure to the man who had betrayed her), Frida has committed a vengeful act that only serves to heighten her pain. (They remarried in 1940.) Frida became famous for looking like an Indian princess or a goddess. No doubt her eye-catching appearance delighted Diego, who revelled in publicity. He did not hesitate to make a political issue out of Fridas clothes, and once expounded to a <title key="Time" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q43297">Time</title> magazine reporter:</p> <quote>The classic Mexican dress has been created by people for people. The Mexican women who do not wear it do not belong to the people, but are mentally and emotionally dependent on a foreign class to which they wish to belong, i.e., the great American and French bureaucracy.<note n="1" type="scholarNote">"Fashion Notes," <title key="Time" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q43297" level="j">Time Magazine</title>, May 3, 1938.</note></quote><p>Frida Kahlo, said Rivera, exaggerating as was his wont, had worn only Mexican clothes for 22 years. Nevertheless, he was thrilled with the effect of Frida's appearance on bourgeois Paris; when she went to Paris in 1938 for an exhibition organized for her by André Breton, <orgName key="House of Schiaparelli" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q107835110">Schiaparelli</orgName> designed a decidedly haute couture "<emph>robe Madame Rivera</emph>."</p> <p>By wearing the Tehuana costume, Frida Kahlo created an art object of her scarred and crippled body, and she helped to make herself a living myth. Perhaps the elaborate packaging was an attempt to compensate for her body's deficiencies and for her sense of fragmentation, dissolution and imminent death. A costume can make the wearer feel more visible, more emphatically present as a physical object in space. For a frail, ofter bedridden woman, this need to establish a theatrical physical presence to confirm her existence must have been strong. Surely this was one of the reasons why Kahlo painted herself so many times.</p> <p>In addition, the flamboyant costumes. together with Frida's "allegria" and astonishingly direct, earthy behavior, might have been antidotes to the pull of introversion. As her many self-portraits show, Frida Kahlo spent much of her time investigating and communing with herself. Her costumes might also have been distancing mechanisms. They may have allowed Kahlo to dissociate herself somewhat from the painful aspects of her reality. And by wearing colorful costumes Frida could distract friends' attention from her physical suffering. In her self-portraits, tears always signal physical or mental pain, but Frida's features always are unflinching. Her self-portraits are charged with a strange tension because of the contradictions between her festive exterior and suffering interior. Perhaps Frida Kahlo hid behind the exquisite decorative object that she presented to the world. The Tehuana costumes were for her both mask and frame.</p> <p> Hayden Herrera, an art critic, is currently working on a book about Frida Kahlo for <orgName key="Harper" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3127696">Harper and Row</orgName>. She is curator of a Frida Kahlo exhibition which opened at Chicago's <placeName key="Museum of Contemporary Art, Chicago" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q118142" cert="high">Museum of Contemporary Art<precision match="@ref" precision="high"/></placeName> in January 1978.</p> </div> </body> </text> </TEI>