English

La Roquette, Women's Prison

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			<div><head><title>La Roquette, Women's Prison</title></head>
			<byline><persName>Groupe de Cinq</persName></byline></div>
			<div><p>The Group of Five is a Paris-based collective consisting of
				<persName key="Martine Aballéa" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q25873672">Martine Aballea</persName>, <persName key="Judy Blum Reddy" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q108526436">Judy Blum</persName>, <persName key="Croiset, Nicole 1950-...." ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/229710280">Nicole Croiset</persName>, <persName>Mimi</persName>, and <persName key="Nil Yalter" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q19502275">Nil Yalter</persName>,
				who include among their skills video, painting, sculpture, drawing,
				and poetry; and among their nationalities French, Turkish, Canadian,
				American. This work on La Roquette began when Judy and Mimi met
				through their children at a day-care center. Judy mentioned her
				collaboration with Nil on the theme of living conditions in each of
				Paris' 20 arrondissements, for which the prison had been suggested to
				represent the 11th administrative arrondissement. Mimi, it turned out, had been
				detained there, and she offered an elaboration of her experiences.
				Martine, whose writing is based on her own memories and dreams,
				also joined the project, while Nil offered her use of video to universalize the narrative elements, in collaboration with Nicole, who
				concentrated on the esthetic/sociological aspects of the research.
				The result is a visual representation of the prison and of the personal
				experiences of many women, centered around the group's increasing
				consciousness of the meaning of Mimi's story: "Bonds of friendship,
				constantly confirmed, played the most cohesive role on the level of
				the work itself, resulting in the combination of apparently disparate
				means connected to each other by mutual understanding within the
				group." The following narrative accompanies a videotape from which
				most of the images are taken.</p>
			<p>The other women were mostly in the prison for bad checks,
				prostitution, or, like me, for robbery. There were also some murderers; I knew one in my workshop. Another had been accused of stealing a painting. The first days we asked each other, but afterwards we
				didn’t really say "What are you doing here?" except to our best
				friends. </p>
			<p>	These women came from all classes. In general, relations between inmates were pretty good. There were a lot of lesbians; the
				nuns' attitudes toward them was to turn a blind eye. They couldn't
				not have known about it. The girls hid it a little—and even a lot—but
				it was too obvious. As for me, I was not a lesbian, but I nevertheless
				flirted here and there to pass the time. It could have certain advantages: when you didn't have any money, your friends could buy
				things at the canteen for you. Or, at one time, I went out with an
				English girl who was the favorite of a nun who didn't like me, and
				from that day on, that nun was very nice to me, and I got certain
				favors I shouldn't have had. </p>
			<p> But still there were lots of fights, sometimes for no reason at all,
				just because the girls felt like fighting. Sometimes it was a question of
				class. Some girls felt superior to others: it wasn't a question of
				money, but of intellect. So sometimes one girl would insult
				another, or feel insulted, and there would be a fight. We were a
				whole gang; some had to be in charge. And if you knew how to fight,
				you were respected. There was nothing you could do about it.</p>
			<p>	Sometimes fights started over cigarettes. For example, I got into
				a fight with a girl over that. Every Wednesday we had the right to buy
				four packs of cigarettes at the canteen. This girl didn't smoke, so,
				with my money, I had bought her something she needed, and she,
				with her money, was going to buy me four more packs, which would
				have made eight for the week. She bought me the cigarettes, but
				another girl told her to give them to her. She was very weak and she
				didn't dare refuse. That night I waited for her in her cell and I beat her
				up. The week after that she bought me cigarettes, and she didn't even
				ask me for money. Afterwards—it's stupid, she was a coward—she
				would pick up butts in the yard for me, when I really didn't expect
				that from her. When the other girls saw that, they all turned against
				her. When I saw that, I stood up for her, because I don't like to take
				sides. I'd hit her a little, but I didn't have a grudge against her.</p>
			<p> Another time there was a fight in the mess hall, in front of the
				nun. There was blood on the floor: one girl had had a nosebleed, and
				the other had been hurt elsewhere. I was drawing; with my finger I picked up some drops of blood and put them on my drawing. </p>
			<p> But there was also a feeling of solidarity among the inmates. One
				time, for example, a girl had been punished and locked up in the
				mess hall toilets. I didn't know what she had done, I don't even know
				if she had really done anything; in any case it was totally unjust to
				lock her up like that. So, with my friend, I climbed onto the ledge
				over the mess hall door and we said that we would stay there until
				they let this girl out. Normally we should have done two weeks in the
				cooler for that, but we didn't get anything. We would have done it
				anyway because it was unjust.</p>
			<p>Or one day a girl gave me a little piece of candle about two
				inches long. We were forbidden to have candles, but there were a lot
				of things like that that went around the prison. I don't know how she
				got it; that was the sort of question you didn’t ask. She gave it to me
				because she knew that I liked to read.</p>
			<p>We also managed to pass notes from cell to cell by what we
				called the "yoyo" system. You tied the note to a piece of string and
				you put it through the window. We did that for certain girls who were
				in the cooler when we were in the yard. We would send them a note <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_040.jpg" n="38"/> from their best friends or something like that.</p>
			<p>As for the nuns, apart from some who were especially mean,
				they were mostly indifferent. But they had, of course, their favorites.
				It was a question of personality: they liked the docile inmates. In the
				beginning they didn't like me because I was stubborn and rude to
				them. Afterwards, I sometimes behaved better. But in any case,
				being with the English girl, I could do things that were forbidden and
				not get punished. Sometimes, for example, I would go into the yard
				to pick up butts that the richer girls had left; we weren't allowed to do
				that other than at recess. Or I tried doing all kinds of things so I could
				go to the cooler, because l had a friend who sang in church and in the
				cooler there was a lot of echo. But despite all I did I never got sent,
				while some girls did nothing at all and got sent right away.</p>
			<p>Down in the cooler you were isolated from everybody. You got
				no mail or visits. You never left your cell, except once a day when
				you had a walk, alone, in the yard. You only had one meal a day
				which was brought to you in your cell.</p>
			<p>Generally speaking, it took a certain amount of time to make
				friends. I didn't have this problem because there were already two
				people there whom I knew when I arrived. But for the others who had
				no soap, no handkerchiefs (the prison gave you nothing, not even
				sanitary napkins; all they gave me when I came in was a rag to wash
				myself with), if they weren't resourceful, if they didn't get some
				friends to help them, they couldn't make it. You had to work about
				ten days before having enough money to buy things at the canteen.</p>
			<p>The money that you made working, making key rings, was only
				just enough to buy cigarettes. You were paid 80 centimes (15 cents)
				for one hundred key rings, about a day's work. Those who worked
				really fast managed to make two hundred. I started working the
				second day after my arrival, but I lost the tool I had been given. I got
				yelled at by the nun, and I saw that it was badly paid, so I stopped.
				Instead, I spent my days reading. I could do this because I was not
				sentenced yet, while those who were had to work. The catalogue
				from the library was passed in the workshop and we had the right to
				two books a week; I would ask some girls who didn't read to order
				some for me. I read everything—<persName key="Pearl S. Buck" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q80900">Pearl Buck</persName>, books on explorations. I also spent a lot of time drawing, and sometimes I would go out. My
				seat was at the end of the workshop, near the door, so it was easy for
				me to go out in the yard when the nun wasn't looking.</p>
			<p>The money that you had on you on entering the prison was kept; you could only use it
				in the canteen. Some inmates received money orders; many of them, actually, got
				money. As for me, my brother <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_041.jpg" n="39"/>sent me a hundred francs (20 dollars) and a
				little money that I had left in a book at my mother's. But for those who had no
				money at all, the only way to get any was to work.</p>
			<p>At the canteen you could buy pencils, letter paper, envelopes, toilet articles, or
				wool. Some knitted; it was winter and it was necessary if you didn't have any
				clothes. You could also buy french fries, puddings and prepared dishes that you
				could have on Sundays. We couldn't have newspapers, but we could buy magazines like
				<title key="Jours de France" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3187102"><emph>Jours de France</emph></title>.</p>
			<p>About these magazines—we bought them for the recipes that were in them. Often there
				were pictures with the recipe, so we would tear them from the magazine and eat them.
				For example, if you liked salad, you would eat pictures of salad. We also ate
				pictures of chicken, cakes, or things like that.</p>
			<p>At the meals we got mostly starchy food—potatoes, beans, or cauliflower; there was
				also bread. They gave us meat, but it was very tough. In fact we couldn't cut it
				with the blunt children's knives that we bought at the canteen. We ate it with our
				hands, tearing it with our teeth. At the end of the meal—which had been served by
				inmates—we did our own dishes. We had brought our bowls and our cutlery to the
				mess hall in the cardboard boxes that we took everywhere with us, and we went in
				little groups to wash them with cold water. To wipe them, l used the rag they had
				given me when I came in...</p>
			<p>About twice a week we could bring back up to the cells the rice pudding we had had
				for dessert at supper. I loved this and often exchanged two cigarettes for a bowl.
				We went up two by two, and silently. If we talked, the nun made us stop until we
				were silent again. Between the time we went up and the time we went to bed there was
				about half an hour, when we had the right to stay near the stove and toast pieces of
				bread. We talked, or we sang; I had a friend who sang very well, and we gathered
				around her. She sang some of <persName>Adamo</persName>'s songs, but also some she had written herself,
				like one about the nuns to the tune of <title key="De profundis morpionibus" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3020467"><emph>Morpionibus</emph></title>. She also sang in church; she had
				spent years in a religious boarding school and she knew the whole mass in Latin...It was forbidden to sing in the cells once the doors were closed, but we did it
				anyway. We all sang together. The nuns couldn't put us all in the cooler; they
				contented themselves with yelling into the void.</p>
			<p>On our beds we had the right to three blankets—and no more—and two sheets. In summer
				it might be enough, but in December I found another blanket when one of the girls in
				my cell left, but it was <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_042.jpg" n="40"/>taken away in a search. The heat was provided by a stove in the hall; there was one stove for forty cells. One girl
				in my cell had accumulated several cardboard boxes; for a while she used them as
				storage space. Then one night when all the doors had been locked and the lights
				turned out, she set fire to her boxes to get warm. A nun realized this and came to
				ask what was going on. We both pretended to sleep, but in the end I lifted my head
				and told the nun that I didn't know anything, that I hadn't seen anything, and that
				I couldn't tell her anything else.</p>
			<p>It wouldn't stick: I was all alone with the other girl and I was saying that I hadn't
				seen anything. The next day the girl I was friends with said that I couldn't have
				done it. She knew me and she knew that I didn't have bizarre ideas like that. The
				other girl did two weeks in the cooler, but I could have gone too because I hadn't
				said anything....</p>
			<p>Every week there was a shower session. It was in cubicles that didn't close, and
				there were three of us in each cubicle. The water ran sometimes too hot, sometimes
				too cold. When it stopped, everyone had to be through, and even if your head was
				full of soap, there was nothing you could do about it. You had to find a way to
				rinse yourself with cold water afterwards; sometimes when you finally got a chance
				to do it, your head was already half dry.</p>
			<p>As for clothes, pants were forbidden. Men were banished from
				our environment and the nuns would say "Stop wriggling!" when we
				saw workers from Fresnes (men's prison). We weren't supposed to
				look at them. We had to wear dresses or skirts. When I arrived, I was
				wearing pants, so to replace it they gave me a burlap dress. In the
				beginning I didn't have any other clothes; I wore it night and day. I couldn't wash it and until I got other clothes, my dress stayed
				dirty....One girl had made herself a skirt from a blanket, so she
				went to the cooler. It was a beautiful skirt and it was a long time
				before they realized what she had done. I don't know where she
				found the needle and thread; they were among the things that circulated....The sheets and rags which had been given to us were
				washed in the linen room. The linen maids, like those who served the
				meals, were inmates who had been there a long time and who had
				won the trust of the nuns. The sheets were changed about once a
				month; it was far from ideal when there were lice.</p>
			<p>During my stay there was an epidemic of lice. The nuns told us to go to the kitchen
				and ask for vinegar, and we put it on our heads. When it was dry we put on some
				powder, and then a scarf; we stayed like that for three days. If you had lice it was
				considered bad and no one approached you any more. One of the nuns made fun of me;
				she said, "If you washed every day..." or something like that. I told her that she
				had surely had them before me. It was the first time in my life that I had them,
				so....</p>
			<p>The cells were searched pretty often, sometimes when we were there, but mostly during
				the day when we were in the workshop. The nuns looked for knives and candles we had
				gotten by exchange, or other things we weren't allowed to have. They also looked for
				mail between inmates; we had the right to write letters to each other, but not love
				letters. Once one of the nuns—a young one who must have been under thirty—wrote to
				one of my friends. She told her that she liked her and that she would like to have a
				closer relationship with her. The letter was found and the nun in question was
				expelled. This sort of thing happened from time to time.</p>
			<p>Everything we received from the outside was also searched. We received our packages
				all cut up and opened. All our letters were read, those that we got as well as those
				we sent. Some had practically nothing in them, but they couldn't go through because
				they were too long. People wrote to us with the smallest writing possible because
				one page, written very small, went through, but 2 pages, written in large letters,
				didn't. As for the letters that we wrote, everything concerning prison life, the
				nuns, or what we ate, was censored. We could talk about the books we had read, and a
				minimum about what we did, but that was all. In general, what went through or not
				depended on the person who read the mail. Some letters that shouldn't have gone
				through went anyway, and vice versa.</p>
			<p>We were also searched when we left the prison. You couldn't take out anything that
				might be a souvenir. One of my friends, for example, had made a drawing of a little
				girl taking water in her hand to offer a doe; they didn't let her take her drawing
				out. In these searches you couldn't really hide anything, and what was least likely
				to be found was what wasn't hidden. In the end they looked more often into the
				girls' vaginas to see if they had hidden letters than in the luggage. As for me, I
				had certain drawings and papers which normally I wouldn't have been allowed to take
				out. I just left them with my things and they weren't even seen.</p>
			<p>It was on the eve of my departure that they told me that I was coming out. Until then
				I had no idea how long they were going to keep me. I could have gone out on
				probation before, but only on condition that they tell my mother. I preferred that
				they didn’t. Once out, I didn’t have the right to write to my inmate friends who
				stayed. </p><p>Sundays were different from other days. In the morning, some went to church
				and the others stayed locked up in their cells, but we could go into our friends'
				cells. Afterwards we did the cleaning up.</p>
			<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_043.jpg" n="41"/>
			<p>That day we didn't work, and we could sit where we liked in the workshop-mess hall.
				The nuns put the radio on, but they turned it off as soon as the news came on. They
				didn't let us know what was going on in the outside world. To pass the time we
				played games. For instance, we played truth games. We asked questions about
				incidents that had happened a few days before and about which we hadn't managed to
				find out the truth. The girls were generally honest; you couldn't lie in that game,
				otherwise you didn't play. But the biggest pastime was cards—Tarot, Belote. Some of
				them were played with real cards that some girls had managed to smuggle in. The
				others had been made with empty packs of Gitanes on which we had drawn.</p>
			<p>Some girls tattooed themselves. They would take ink from ball point pens and mix it
				with cigarette ash. This way they managed to make an ink which was pretty
				indelible—blue-black. Then they took two needles, one projecting in front of the
				other, and put a drop of ink between them. Then, with the projecting needle they
				made the drop slip into the hole. This made a point; they made as many points as
				they wanted. They made snakes, hearts, names, but mostly just three points, which
				means "Death to the Pigs," or five points "Alone Between Four Walls." It was the
				emblem of prison.</p>
			<p>We wrote all over ourselves with pens, and there were ways of making up your face.
				With ashes from the stove in the hall and water we could make mascara. There were
				black felt pens that we could use as eyeliner, but it was hard to take off and we
				usually did it with shoe polish that we got at the canteen. We mostly made our eyes
				up, but some girls put brown pencil around their lips.</p>
			<p>Some girls reacted badly to prison life, but we tried to help them, and they managed
				to make friends, to find people who helped them overcome their distress. I wouldn't
				leave a poor girl by herself who arrived here and who looked completely lost. I went
				to see her, I talked to her. Of course there were those who had their husbands and
				their children outside; for them it was harder. I was told that once a girl hanged
				herself. Sometimes there were also attempts at escape; I was told that one inmate hid
				herself in a garbage can, but she didn't have time to get out and was killed inside
				the garbage truck.</p>
			<p>At Christmas the Salvation Army came. We got together in the
				mess hall and listened to them sing Christmas carols. These women
				were very nice. They gave each of us a towel, a handkerchief, and a
				pack of candy. We had a lot of fun because we weren't used to seeing
				this sort of woman. Everybody was laughing, but they were well
				received by the inmates. In the end we thought it was really nice of
				them to trouble themselves for us. I think a lot of the girls were
				touched.</p>
			<p>For the meal, we put all the tables together to be the most together possible. Those
				who had saved a little money bought pastries, but almost everything was shared. I,
				for example, didn't have any money, but I had a little of everything like everybody
				else. On the part of the prison, there was nothing, except that we didn't work that
				day and we could go to midnight mass. A lot of people were depressed that day; all
				this reminded us of our families and of all the things we were trying to forget. It
				was nice, this party, but actually it was painful. The monotony of the other days
				was better. We didn't really give each other presents. We didn't have the
				possibility of giving anything, except cigarettes. The girl I was going out with
				gave me some cigarettes. </p></div>
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John Chamberlain Wedding Letters

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            <head>158. TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, lxii, 6.]</l>
            <l>[London, <date when="1613-01-07">January 7, 1613</date>.]</l>
            <p>My very good Lord: I am so unfurnished of any matter worth your knowledge that were
               yt not to aunswer your letter of the <date when="1612-12-04">4th of December</date>; and that <persName key="Isaac Wake" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q6077284">Master Waake</persName>
                  <note>Isaac O'Wake</note> is absent (who might have stored you better) I shold
               hardly have adventured to write this weeke. But because they say half a loafe is
               better then no bread, I will take upon me to tell you what is saide, though I cannot
               advertise you what is don. Our Christmas is now come to an end, without the least
               shew of any alteration in court or elswhere, and to morrow <persName key="James VI and I" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q79972">the King</persName> removes toward
               <placeName key="Royston" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q19804">Roiston</placeName>: the counsaile have dealt with him to name new officers specially
               secretaries, or one at least, whomsoever he shold please, for that the state of
               affaires requires yt, and suffers much for the want of a sufficient man that might
               ease his Majestie in some part of the care and paines of that place. The King tooke
               theyre advise in goode part, and doth acknowl¬ edge as much as they say, with promise
               that he will thincke upon yt, and resolve in goode time, so that we are now come to
               our dischauses again, and the cheife candidati as forward in theyre hopes as at any
               time before: the King is thought to have no great mind of himself to <persName key="Henry Neville" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2775812">Sir H. N.</persName>
                  <note>Sir Henry Neville</note> so that yt the importunitie of his <persName key="Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl of Southampton" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q743492">great patron</persName>
                  <note>Henry Wriothesley, third Earl of Southampton</note> prevaile, yt shalbe as
               yt were invita Minerva, and to counterpoise the ballance and content the counter-
               part, Sir <persName key="Thomas Lake" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7791667">T. L.</persName> <note>Sir Thomas Lake</note> must be admitted, or rather as yt is now
               held Sir <persName key="Thomas Edmondes" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7789248">Tho Edm</persName><note>Sir Thomas Edmondes</note>, who besides his frends here at
               home, hath the <persName key="Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, Duke of Bouillon" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q966628">Duke of Buillon</persName> an earnest solliciter in his behalfe. Yt is verely
               held, and many signes there be of yt, that the Kings inclination holdes firm for <persName key="Ralph Winwood" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7288287">our
               frend</persName> <note>Sir Ralph Winwood</note> at <placeName key="The Hague" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q36600">the Haghe</placeName>, and till I see sombody els in
               possession I cannot beleve otherwise, for yf words and premises be ought worth, and
               hissing of the hand (instead of clapping) be any part of assurance to make up a
               bargain, he is in goode case, and cannot misse. But this is a secret and must be
               sealed up to yourself. The world is of opinion that the <persName key="Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q336096">Lord of Rochester</persName>
                  <note>Robert Carr, Viscount Rochester</note> is slowe every way as well as for
               himself as his frends, els wold he ere this have compassed and concluded for the
               maine place <note>The office of Lord Treasurer</note> he shoots at; but perhaps he
               undertakes too much, and hath too many yrons in the fire at once. He is now in hand
               for the reversion of the <persName key="Thomas Darcy, 1st Earl Rivers" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q16863606">Lord Darcies</persName> land <note>The lands of Thomas, third Lord
                  Darcy of Chiche (created Viscount Colchester in 1621 and Earl of Rivers in
                  1626).</note>, which after his death is to returne to the crowne for want of
               heyres males, according to the first graunt. We heare that these late great windes
               and raines have overthrowne Dover peere, and quite defaced those workes and
               fortifications against the sea, wherin there hath ben bestowed so much time and cost.
               Here is a gentleman come from the Duke of Guise, and another from the Prince Counti
               to condole for the Princes death. His houshold is broken up, and the inventarie of
               his goods brought in far beyond his debts: the account of his yearly revenew riseth
               to 57000 li. I have heard an uncertain report that Sir Mathew Carie is like to loose
               and be cousened of eight or nine thousand pound in a purchase of one Sir William Bond
               in whose honestie and credit he put great confidence, but I hope yt cannot fall out
               altogether so yll, beeing discovered so soone, and he so well frended in the court of
               conscience. Touching that you Wrote of your owne particuler, I have not imparted yt
               to any body, saving in a word or two to your father Savile <note>Sir Henry Savile,
                  the stepfather of Lady Carleton</note> as I wrote you in my last. So with all due
               remembrance to my goode Lady I commend you to the protection of the Almighty. From
               London this 7th of January 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to command</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To the right honorable Sir Dudley Carleton Knight Ambassador for his Majestie to the
               State of Venice.</p>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>159. TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD.</head>
            <l>[Winwood Papers, vol. viii.]</l>
            <l>[London, January 9, 1613.</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: The holydayes are come and gon and nothing yet don of that which
               was so duly expected, I meane the translating and creating of new officers. The King
               was moved by the counsaile in this matter, specially for secretaries, for that the
               state of affaires required yt, and suffered much for the want of a sufficient man
               that might ease and help to disburthen his Majestie in the care and paines of that
               place, wherfore they besought him to provide and name whomsoever he pleased: he tooke
               theyre advise in goode part and promised to resolve in goode time, and further that
               when he did yt he would perfect yt: which later clause I take for bonum omen, and
               applie yt to the person I wish best to. The world conceves the King hath no great
               inclination of himself to Sir H. N. <note>Cf Letter 158</note> so that yf he prevaile
               yt must be as yt were invita Minerva, and by the importunitie of his great patron:
               and then to counterpoise the balance and please the counterpart Sir Tho: Lakes may be
               admitted, or rather (as the voyce goes now) Sir Thomas Edmunds, who besides his owne
               frends at home hath the Duke of Buillon an earnest solicitor in his behalfe. At the
               solemnising of the fiancialles on St. Johns day Sir Tho Lakes frends made account he
               had won ground, and outstept his competitors in performed the part of a principall
               secretarie, when he did praeire conceptis verbis, and repeat the wordes of the
               contract: which were so badly translated and worse pronounced that yt moved an
               unseasonable laughter as well in the contractors as the assistants, till the
               archbishop of Caunterburie very gravely interposing himself used these very wordes
               The God of Abraham, Isaake and Jacob blesse these nuptialls, and make them prosperous
               to these kingdomes and to his church. You are excedingly beholden to that prelate for
               his goode word and opinion, which he hath not spared to make knowne upon divers
               occasions. The Prince Palatin (for so he is now stiled and since this contract is
               usually prayed for in the church among the Kinges children) was very royall in his
               presents this newyearstide, geving to the Lord and Lady Harrington <note>John, first
                  Lord Harington of Exton, and Anne Lady Harington, daughter of Sir Robert Kelway,
                  had had the charge of the Princess Elizabeth since 1603.</note> in golden and
               guilt plate to the value of 2000 li, to theyre servants 400 li to all the women about
               the Lady Elizabeth 100 li a piece, and a medaglia with his picture: to her waiters as
               much, and to her cheife gentleman usher a chaine of 150 li, to Mistris Dudley
                  <note>Anne Sutton, daughter of Edward Sutton, ninth Lord Dudley, accompanied
                  Elizabeth, the Electress Palatine, when she left England.</note> a chaine of perle
               and diamonds of 500 li, to the Prince a rapier and payre of spurres set with
               diamonds, to the King a battle of one entire agat containing two quarts estemed a
               very rare and rich jewell, to the Quene a very fayre cup of Agat and a jewell: and
               lastly to his mistris, a rich chaine of diamonds, a tire for her head all of
               diamonds, two very rich pendent diamonds for her eares, and above all two perles, for
               bignes, fashion and bewtie es temed the rarest that are to be found in Christendome:
               insomuch that the jewells bestowed only on her are valued by men of skill above 3500
               li, He was purposed to shew the like bountie towards the King and Quenes servants and
               officers, but the King directly forbad yt. The Quene is noted to have geven no great
               grace nor favor to this match, and there is doubt will do lesse hereafter, for that
               upon these frownes Schomberg <note>Hans Meinhard von Schomberg or Schönberg.</note>
               (that is cheife about him) is saide to have geven out that his master is a better man
               then the king of Denmarke and that he is to take place of him in the empire, at
               leastwise of a greater king then he the king of Boheme. The mariage is set downe for
               Shrovesonday, against which time yt is saide the Lords and Ladies about the court
               have appointed a maske upon theyre owne charge, but I heare there is order geven for
               1500 li to provide one upon the Kings cost and 1000 li for fireworkes. The ynnes of
               court likewise are dealt with for two maskes against that time, and meane to furnish
               themselves for the service. The Prince Palatin makes account to depart homeward some
               fifteen dayes after his mariage, and the Lady is to follow toward Whitsontide,
               conducted by fowre earles, eight Barons and I know not how many knights. The old Lord
               Admirall <note>Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham.</note> meanes to make yt his last
               service to wafte her over. The King removes this day toward Roiston, where the Lord
               of Rochester <note>Robert Carr, Viscount Rochester.</note> shall have more leysure
               and commoditie to negotiat this busines <note>The appointment of a Principal
                  Secretary and a Lord Treasurer.</note> that intertaines every mans thoughts, for
               he pretends that the multiplicitie of other affaires hindred him from moving yt
               whiles the King was here: yet I will not forbeare to tell you that many are of
               opinion that he is and wilbe content to kepe yt in his owne hands. Indeed he is very
               slowe of dispatch, and hath at this time many yrons in the fire as well for himself
               as his frends, for besides the maine place he shoots at, he is now about the
               reversion of the Lord Darcies <note>Cf. Letter 158.</note> lands, which for want of
               heyres males are like to return to the crowne, according to the first graunt. A day
               or two before Christ- mas the King himself gave a hearing to a controversie twixt the
               farmers of the customes and Sir John Swinerton now Lord Mayor, who accused them of
               defrauding the King yearly of 70000 li but when yt came to proofe yt could not be
               made goode, so that they went away acquitted, and he not much condemned for seeking
               the Kings benefit. We have here dayly many banckrouts and as many protections which
               do marvay- lously hinder all manner of commerce. The last weeke here came an
               ambassador from Lorrain to condole the Princes death, and some say to propound I know
               not what match. He was a very proper man, sonne (as is saide) to the Cardinall of
               Guise that was strangled at Blois, and in great favor or (as they terme him) the
               Lerma of the Duke of Lorrain. Here is likewise a gentleman from the Duke of Guise,
               and another from the Prince Conti for the same effect. The late princes Houshold
               brake up the last of December, and his servants sent to seeke theyre fortune. The
               inventarie of his moveables doth far exceed his debts, and the account of his yearly
               revenwes riseth to 57000 li. The Countesse of Oxford <note>Elizabeth, widow of Edward
                  de Vere, seventeenth Earl of Oxford.</note> is dead of this new disease, and left
               her sonne <note>Henry de Vere, eighteenth Earl of Oxford.</note> toward 1500 li land,
               and all her jewells and stuffe on condition he pay her legacies which rise to 2000
               li: and bestowe 500 li on a tombe for his father and her. Yt may be you have heard
               that Sir George Farmor <note>Sir George Fermor of Easton Neston,
                  Northamptonshire.</note> died above a moneth since, as likewise Sir John Morris
                  <note>Sir John Morris of Fyfield, Berkshire.</note> of Berkshire who left Sir
               Henry Neville and Sir William Dowier his executors, but his daughter the Lady Fenton
                  <note>His daughter Elizabeth, widow of Sir Edward Norris, a distant cousin,
                  married in 1604 Thomas Erskine, in 1606 created Viscount Fenton</note> hath put
               herself in possession and meanes to carrie yt away by strong hand. The Lady Webbe
                  <note>Cf. Letter 158.</note> (Sir Rowland Lyttons daughter) a very proper young
               gentlewoman died here in towne this Christmas of the small pockes. The Lord Evers
                  <note>Ralph, third Lord Eure or Evers, married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John
                  Spencer of Althorp, and widow of George Carey, second Lord Hunsdon.</note> is
               newly maried to the Lady Hunsdon Sir Richard Spensers sister. There is a quarrell
               fallen out twixt Edward Sackville <note>Son of Robert, second Earl of Dorset. In
                  1624, upon the death of his brother Richard, third Earl, he succeeded to the
                  title.</note> sonne to the last earle of Dorset, and the Lord Brus or Kinlos
                  <note>Edward, second Lord Bruce of Kinloss</note>, which was to be determined
               beyond sea. Sackvile got over, but the Lord Brus was stayed at Dover; where we heare
               these late winds and tempests have don great harme, and in a manner ruined and
               defaced the peere or haven. I grow now doubtfull of Sir Thomas Bodieys <note>Sir
                  Thomas Bodley was the stepfather of Lady Winwood</note> recoverie, and though I
               have not much misliked him, and thought yt was but a lingering indisposition that had
               many intervalla, and shewes of reviving, and beleve he hath had what help phisicke,
               goode order, attendance, and all a goode hart could affoord, and yet me thincks of
               late he droupes and decayes visiblie, though he will not seeme to yeeld to yt. I meet
               your brother Potman <note>Matthew Pottman, whose wife was Lady Winwood's sister. Cf.
                  Letter 151.</note> there much, who hath so many goode wordes and assured promises
               from him, that he is loth to have him moved, least he shold picke a quarrell and find
               fault that he is mistrusted. There was a plot to have had him urged to the point by
               Mathew Small, but upon these and the like considerations, yt was let alone: for my
               part I am not of opinion that he will do any great matter for him, but there is no
               meanes to mend yt, for he is very wilfull, and growne exceding testie and waiward
               upon every trifle and light occasion, so that (as the case stands) a man may soone do
               hurt in seeking to do goode. So with the remembrance of my best service to my goode
               Lady I commend you and all yours to the protection of the Almighty. From London this
               9th of January 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to command</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To the right honorable Sir Rafe Winwod Knight Lord Ambassador for his Majestie to the
               States of the United Provinces at the Haghe.</p>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>160. TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, lxxii, 13.]</l>
            <l>[London, January 14, 1613.]</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: I doubt all is not well with Master Waake <note>Isaac Wake,
                  Carleton’s secretary who was then in England.</note> that we heare not of him. He
               made account to be away but eight or ten dayes at most, and yt is now fifteen since
               he went; yt may be the fowle weather hindered his progresse and prolongs his return,
               for otherwise he is sedulous enough in any thing he undertakes, and fit to follow
               busines, yf he were not of too much note, or (as you know who turned him) troppo
               conspicuo: which may be some cause of those far fet discourses about your affaires,
               though they were broached before he came: mary (as I understand) they are since
               growne more ordinarie. I imparted to Signor Biondi <note>Giovanni Francesco Biondi
                  (knighted, 1622), whom Sir Henry Wotton in 1609 had sent from Venice to England to
                  lay before James I Sarpi's plan for a union of the anti-papal powers. He was
                  pensioned by James and in 1612 was in Turin with Wotton. Twenty-one letters to
                  Carleton, between October 9, 1612, and May 12, 1618, are in State Papers
                  Domestic.</note> what you wrote touching the Venetian ambassador and how kindly
               you tooke his relation. He accepted the charge very willingly, or any other service
               you shold impose upon him, with much demonstration of all dutie and thanckfulnes for
               your former favors: but he told me that Signor Fuscarini <note>Antonio Foscarini, the
                  Venetian ambassador.</note> was somewhat distasted that your secretarie had not
               ben with him, and that for his part he had wisht him at his first comming not to
               neglect him: Sir Walter Cope likewise at my last beeing with him spake to the same
               purpose, so that at his returne I will put him in mind of yt, yf yt be not now too
               late. Biondi told me that he hath gotten a graunt of his pension for 100 li a yeare
               by his owne industrie, for going to an audience with the Venetian ambassador, he
               sollicited his cause himself and procured a patent from the Kinges owne month, for
               that he saw the Cavaliere Wotton <note>Sir Henry Wotton.</note> had so much busines
               of his owne that he could not intend yt. Your Italian frier <note>Cf. Letters 141,
                  143, 146.</note> was with me this other day, with a long discontented discourse
               for want of monie, and that he was somtimes faire to make his owne bed and sweep his
               chamber, things he was never put to in the place whence he came. I advised him the
               best I could to patience, and told him that seeing he was well provided for foode and
               raiment, he must fashion himself to indure somwhat per amor di Christo: yt seemes his
               companion Giovanni is no better pleased in the North, for he wrote lately to him that
               his patron the Archbishop was strettissimo di danari, and that they lived in no
               cities nor townes but in villa, and therupon subscribed his name Johannes in deserto.
               The fowle weather kept the King here till Monday, when the ayre began to alter, and
               hath continued ever since very faire. He is gon to Roiston and Newmarket, and makes
               account not to returne till Candlemas or after: he tooke up a quarrell before he went
               twixt Edward Sackevile <note>Cf. Letter 159.</note> sonne to the last earle of Dorset
               and the Lord Brus or Kinlos: yt was to be determined beyond sea, and Sackvile was
               gotten over, but Brus was stayed at the sea side. Garter king at armes <note>William
                  Segar (knighted, 1616).</note> is gon into Holland, and is in commission with Sir
               Rate Winwod to deliver the order <note>Of the Garter. Cf. Letter 155.</note> to Count
               Maurice, and per¬ forme the ceremonies, which when they are finished, yf we heare not
               of Sir Rafe against the wedding <note>Of the Princess Elizabeth and the Elector
                  Palatine.</note>, I will geve over looking after him. Sir Richard Morrison
                  <note>Sir Richard Moryson, son of Thomas Moryson of Cadeby, Lincolnshire.</note>
               hath concluded (as I heare) with the Lord Davers <note>Henry Lord Danvers of
                  Dauntsey, Lord President of Munster, 1607-1615.</note> for his place in Ireland of
               President of Mounster and geves him 3000 li. Here is a proclamation comming out this
               day against pocket dagges <note>12 Pistols. (S. T. C., 8481.)</note>, which begin to
               grow in use, and may many wayes prove daungerous. There is speach likewise (upon
               great suspicions) of disarming the papists. So with all due remembrance to my Lady I
               commend you to the protection of the Almighty. From London this 14th of January
               1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to command</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <l>To the right honorable Sir Dudley Carleton knight Lord Ambassador</l>
            <l>for his Majestie to the State of Venice.</l>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>161. TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, lxxii, 19.]</l>
            <l>[London, January 28, 1613.</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: according to your direction, in your last of the old yeare, I
               have caused Signor Biondies <note>Giovanni Francesco Biondi.</note> packet to be
               delivered, and went my self with the other letters to the master of the wardes
                  <note>Sir Walter Cope.</note>, who upon the reading of them told me he was very
               willing to be rid of those papers you write of <note>Carleton's letters to Robert
                  Cecil, first Earl of Salisbury, who died in 1612.</note>, and that he had divers
               times bethought himself how he might safety convay them to you. I told him the
               readier and safer way were to burne them, which course he allowed of, and saide I
               shold presently see him make a sacrifice of them: and so he went to seeke them, but
               returning after a reasonable time, told me he could not find the key of his cabinet
               where he had layde them up: mary he willed me tell you that they were in safe
               custodie, and that he wold be as carefull of them as of any thing that concerned
               himself: I aunswered that I wold attend him some other time, when he might more
               readilie light upon them: then he caried me up to see his daughter <note>Isobel, wife
                  of Sir Henry Rich.</note> that came to towne but the night before and layes out
               her great bellie as handsomly as the best. He made me a long relation of the great
               cause now before him twixt the Lady Lakes <note>Mary, daughter of Sir William Ryder,
                  and wife of Sir Thomas Lake.</note> and her sister the Lady Caesar <note>Alice,
                  daughter of Charles Green of Manchester, widow of John Dent of London, and wife of
                  Sir Julius Caesar, Chancellor of the Exchequer.</note>, wherin he shall have much
               ado to carrie himself so even between wind and water, that he displease not Sir
               Thomas or Master Chauncellor. We heare the King is still at Newmarket somewhat
               troubled with an humor in his great toe that must not yet be christned or called the
               gowt. Presently upon his going hence, the counsaile tooke theyre severall wayes, and
               gave themselves some libertie of recreation for a whole weeke, but are now as close
               at yt again as ever, and indeed complaine that matters find not that redy dispatch
               that were to be wished, for want of assistance in some secret busines, so that no
               doubt they will importune the King at his return to resolve upon sombody <note>To
                  appoint a Principal Secretary,</note>: for though his Majestie at first tooke
               delight to shew his readines and abilitie in those causes, yet that vigor begins to
               relent, and he must dayly more and more intend his owne health and quiet. And now in
               the nicke to crosse and hinder that goode we expected, there is a great breach fallen
               out twixt Sir Henry Nevill and the Vicount Fenton about the executorship of Sir John
               Norris <note>Cf. Letter 159.</note>, wherin the vicount as yt were proclaimes
               hostilitie, and is gon with open mouth to complain of him to the King: though yf that
               be true that is constantly reported, his Lady hath don all the wrong, as well in
               beating, kicking and reviling her mother in law <note>Margaret, daughter of George,
                  fourth Lord Home, and mother of Thomas Erskine, Viscount Fenton.</note>, (whom she
               will vouchsafe no other name but the Lady Margerie) and mewing her up in a chamber
               like a hawke in her owne house, with other indignities, (wherby the old epithet of
               injusta noverca is now more properly transferred upon the danghter in law) as in
               divers other actions and courses of violence and oppression. Wheras for ought I can
               heare Sir H. N. hath only taken the way of law and justice, and is to reape no
               greater benefit then only to discharge the trust reposed in him: but as I saide yt
               falles out unhappilie both in regard of the person (such a favorite and a
               counsaillor) and of the time. Master Waake <note>Isaac Wake.</note> cannot yet
               procure his dispatch so that he must of necessitie stay the Kings comming and perhaps
               the mariage, wherin Sir Henry Savile is fully of my minde and sayes by that time he
               shall see quel pli les choses prendront. The world hath still a goode opinion of our
               frend <note>Sir Ralph Winwood, ambassador at The Hague.</note> at the Haghe, and
               great briguing <note>Intriguing, contending.</note> ther is for his place, (as I
               heare,) both by Sir Dudley Diggs and Master Nanton <note>Robert Naunton.</note> but
               specially by Colonell Ogle <note>Sir John Ogle.</note> who offers therupon to resigne
               his regiment to Sir Arthur Wilmot a speciall follower and favorite of my Lord of
               Rochesters <note>Robert Carr, Viscount Rochester.</note>. Sir Thomas Glover is
               arrived <note>From Constantinople.</note> and shewes his face offering to justify and
               cleere himself of whatsoever can be layde to his charge. Here is a proclamation come
               foorth against pocket dagges <note>Pistols. (S. T. C., 8181.)</note>, and order is
               gon into most shires to disarme the papists; what secret cause there may be I know
               not, but the world here growes suspicious and apprehends great daunger from them, and
               many rumours are raised, as namely the last weeke that the earle of Huntington was
               slaine by them in his owne house; whereupon at Coventrie and War- wicke they shut
               theyre gates and mustered theyre souldiers, and at Banburie and those parts the
               people made barricados and all other manner of provision, as yf they looked presently
               to be assaulted. The Lady of Shrewsburie <note>Mary, wife of Gilbert Talbot, seventy
                  Earl of Shrewsbury. Since 1610 she had been a prisoner in theTower for acquiescing
                  in the marriage of her niece, the Lady Arabella Stuart.</note> that hath ben long
               in the Towre, and had the libertie of the place, and somtimes leave to attend her
               Lord in his sicknes, is now of late restrained and kept more close, upon somewhat
               discovered against her (they say) by her niece the Lady Arbella. Judge Williams
                  <note>Sir David Williams, Puisne Justice of King's Bench.</note> died on Friday
               last at his house in the countrie leaving a great state behind him both in land and
               wealth, and the same day Sir Antonie Senligier <note>Sir Anthony St. Leger.</note>
               that was Master of the Rolles in Ireland died here in towne. Sir Thomas Bodley is
               even now likewise at the last cast, and hath lien speachles and without knowledge
               since yesterday at noone. God comfort him and send him a good passage. Our marchants
               have dayly many losses, and now lately, there was a ship of 300 tunne cast away in
               the river of Hamborough laden with goods to the value of 80000 li, and now the last
               weeke a ship bound for the straights suncke between this and Gravesend. The Prince
               Palatin goes to be installed <note>As Knight of the Garter.</note> at Windsor the
               seventh of the next moneth, and great preparations here are of braverie, maskes, and
               fireworkes against the mariage <note>Of Frederick, the Elector Palatine, and the
                  Princess Elizabeth.</note>: the opinion is now that they shall go away both
               together before the end of April. This night he feasts all the counsaile at Essex
               House. So with all due remembrance to my Lady and Mistris Carleton I commend you to
               the protection of the Almighty. From London this 28th of January 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to command</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To the right honorable Sir Dudley Carleton Knight Lord Ambassador for his Majestie at
               Venice.</p>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>162. TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD.</head>
            <l>[Winwood Papers, vol. viii.]</l>
            <l>[London, January 29, 1613.]</l>
            <p>My very good Lord: I am sory to understand by yours of the 29th of December that
               there is such a slumber or slacknes growne upon them at Venice that they forget
               theyre best frends, for I will not impute yt to yll manners, or any froward conceit
               towards you, but only to a meere negligence. I have cause enough likewise to
               complaine of theyre neglect, and specialy for that those few letters I have thence
               are continually full of excuses, wherby I perceve they see theyre owne fault but
               meane not to mend yt, but still devise new phrases and tricks and excusandas
               excusationes. Yet still I kepe mine old course, and send them those ordinarie
               occurrents that come in my way, which though they be poore and sleight, yet are not
               unwelcome to them that seldome are otherwise better provided. We heare the King is
               still at Newmarket somwhat troubled with an humor in his great toe which must not yet
               be christned or called the gowte. Presently upon his going the counsaile tooke theyre
               severall wayes, and gave themselves some libertie of recreation for a whole weeke,
               but are now as close at yt again as ever. Mary they still find defects for want of
               assistance in some busines: and indeed complaine that matters find not that redy
               dispatch that were to be wished, so that no doubt they will importune the King at his
               return to resolve upon sombody. The day of the Kings departure hence the Lord
               Archbishop feasted the Palsgraves followers, which he tooke so kindly that when they
               were redy to sit downe, himself came, though he were neither in- vited nor expected:
               the entertainment was very great, and such as became both the giver and recever. The
               earle of Arundell <note>Thomas Howard, second Earl of Arundel and Surrey.</note> is
               returned out of Italie, so well satisfied that they say he hath animum revertendi and
               will thether again: though he had a very hard passage homeward, and was almost cast
               away twixt Callis and Dover and escaped narrowly. We have had the straungest winter
               here that I thincke was ever seene, for warmth and wet: and to say the truth we have
               not had one cold day all this yeare. I hope there is the more behind, or els we are
               but in yll case for corne and fruit, which are so forward that there is litle hope
               they shold come to goode, without some nipping and keping backe. We have likewise had
               straunge windes, which have ben so violent and continuall as I never knew the like,
               with great tempests of thunder and lightning in divers places (though not here at
               London) especially at a place in Kent called Chart, where in the Christmas holy-dayes
               the people beeing at church, there were 35 blasted with lightning wherof the minister
               in the pulpit was one, though they be all since recovered, saving a miller that was
               stroke dead in the place, and one more that died sixe or seven dayes after. Judge
               Williams <note>For comments on this letter, see also Letter 161.</note> died on
               Friday last, leaving a great estate behind him both in land and wealth: likewise Sir
               Antonie Senligier that was Master of the Rolles in Ireland died here in towne the
               last weeke. Master Robert Sherly with his Persian Lady are shipt away homeward in a
               ship that goes for the East Indies, leaving theyre litle sonne behind and bequeathing
               him to the care and favor of the Quene his God mother: he hath stayed here well by yt
               to litle purpose, having no great reason to hast away, seeing he had allowance of
               fowre pound a day of the King during his abode here. Sir Thomas Glover is come home
               from Constantinople, contrarie to expectation, for his comportement was given out to
               be such there, that there was an opinion he durst not have shewed his face, but he
               makes offer to justifie himself in whatsoever can be laide to his charge. Here is a
               proclamation come foorth against pocket dagges: and order is gon into most shires to
               disarme the papists; what secret cause there may be I know not but the world growes
               suspicious and apprehends great daunger from them; and many rumors are raised as
               namely the last weeke that the earle of Huntington was slaine by them in his owne
               house, wherupon at Coventrie and Warwicke they shut theyre gates, and at Banburie and
               those parts the people made all manner of provision, as yf they looked pres- ently to
               be assaulted. The Lady of Shrewsburie that hath ben long in the Towre, and had the
               libertie of the place, and somtimes to attend her Lord in his sicknes, is now of late
               restrained and kept more close, upon somwhat discovered against her (as they say) by
               her niece the Lady Arbella. The Prince Palatin goes to be installed at Windsor the
               seventh of the next moneth, and great preparations here are of braverie, maskes, and
               fire-workes against the mariage: the opinion is now that they shall go away both
               together before St. Georges day. Sir Thomas Bodley is come to the last cast, and
               surely I thincke he cannot last many dayes, yet he bestirres himself in busines and
               bargaines as yf there were no such matter; and relies upon phisicke as much as when
               he first fell sicke, having run over all the best phisicians of this towne, and is
               now fallen into Doctor Fosters <note>Richard Forster.</note> hands: yet he is
               somewhat discouraged that he cannot get Butler <note>William Butler.</note> of
               Cambrige to come at him, not so much as to speake with him, for he sayes wordes
               cannot cure him, and he can do nothing els to him: for upon sight of his water he
               sent him word what case he was in. He hath setled all things as he sayes, and wold
               seeme resolute, but God send him a goode resolution, for I doubt he is very neere his
               dissolution. Having written thus far on Wensday morning by way of provision, and
               seeing the wind so setled that there was no hope of sending away, I forbare to seale
               yt up, in expectation what might fall out, and that afternoone Sir Thomas Bodley grew
               speachles and out of knowlege, and so continued till yesterday between fowre and five
               in the afternoone that he departed. Presently Sir John Bennet and Master Hackwell
                  <note>William Hakewill, a kinsman of Sir Thomas Bodley.</note> his executors
               opened the will <note>Printed in full in W. D. Macray, Annals of the Bodleian
                  Library, ed. 1890, pp. 202-418.</note>, a copie wherof no doubt shalbe sent you,
               for he hath nominated you and Sir Henry Savile overseers and the Lord Archbishop, the
               Lord Chauncellor <note>Thomas Egerton, Lord Ellesmere.</note>, and the Lord Cooke
                  <note>Sir Edward Coke.</note> supravisors and for theyre paines bequeathed them
               cuppes of gold of the value of 50 li a peece. Master Gent <note>William Gent.</note>
               came to me this morning as yt were to bemoan himself of the litle regard hath ben had
               of him and others, and indeed for ought I heare there is scant any body pleased, but
               for the rest yt were no great matter yf he had had more consideration, or rather
               commiseration where there was most need: but he was so caried away (yf a man may say
               so) with the vanitie and vaine glorie of his librarie that he forgat all other
               respects and duties (almost) of conscience, frendship or goode nature, and all he had
               was too litle for that worke. To say the truth I did never relie much upon his
               conscience, but I thought he had ben more reall and ingenious: I cannot learn that he
               hath geven any thing, no not a goode word, nor so much as named any old frend he hath
               but Master Gent and Tom Allen <note>Thomas Allen, the mathematician.</note>, who like
               a couple of almesmen must have his best and second gowne, and his best and second
               cloke: but to cast a colour or shadow of somwhat upon Master Gent, he sayes that he
               forgeves him all he ought him which Master Gent protests to be never a pennie: I must
               intreat you to pardon me yf I seeme somewhat impatient in his behalf, who hath ben so
               servile to him, and indeed such a perpetuus servus, that he deserved a better reward:
               neither can I denie but I have a litle indignation for my self, that having ben
               acquainted with him almost forty years, and observed and respected him so much, I
               shold not be remembered with the value of a spoone or a mourning garment, wheras yf I
               had gon before him (as poore a man as I am) he shold not have found himself
               forgotten: but his thoughts descended not so low as to such mean frends, but
               contrarie to the course of true naturall affection (which they say ever descends)
               mounted altogether aloft to flatter and currie favor with the higher powers now when
               he was to have no more use of them. The Countesse of Salisburie <note>Katherine,
                  daughter of Thomas Howard, first Earl of Suffolk, and wife of William Cecil,
                  second Earl of Salisbury.</note> was brought abed of a daughter on Wensday night
               and had a very hard travayle. There is a great breach fallen out twixt Vicount Fenton
               and Sir H. Nevile about the executorship to Sir John Norris, which may chaunce marre
               all, or at least hinder the fayre course he was in, for the Lord is very violent, and
               gon with open month to complain to the King, that he cannot have his will against law
               and equitie. Yesternight the Prince Palatin feasted all the counsaile at Essex house
               where in regard of the goode entertainment he found with th Lord Archbishop, he
               shewed more kindnes and caresses to him and his followers then to all the rest put
               together: so with the remembrance of my best service to my goode Lady I commend you
               and all yours to the protection of the Almighty. From London this 29th of January
               1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to command</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>163. TO ALICE CARLETON.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, lxxii, 23.]</l>
            <l>[London, February 4, 1613.]</l>
            <p>Mistris Carleton, Your sister Williams <note>Elizabeth, wife of Alexander
                  Williams.</note> tells me she wrote so at large to you the last weeke, that she
               hath left nothing for me, but to geve you thanks for your letter of the 20th of
               January which I receved upon Sunday; and to desire you to excuse me yf I do not
               fulfill your commaundment in visiting your sister Underhill <note>Bridget, wife of
                  Hercules Underhill of Idlicote, Warwickshire.</note>, unles yt were to more
               purpose then to exchaunge a few fine words and phrases, which I was never goode at,
               and cannot now begin: for I thincke you wold not have me expostulat her not writing
               to you, or begg a letter at her hands; but I remember in one of your last lettres you
               gave me commission to speake to Master Waake to go to her, who indeed is more fit as
               comming lately from you, and beeing to go so shortly towards you. Yesterday there was
               a great meeting at Sir Henry Saviles about the conclusion of a match for Mistris
               Elizabeth <note>Elizabeth, only daughter of Sir Henry Savile, married John Sedley or
                  Sidley (knighted, 1616), son of Sir William Sedley of Southfleet, Kent, by his
                  wife, Elizabeth, widow of Henry Neville, sixth Lord Abergavenny.</note> with the
               only sonne of Sir W. Sidley of Kent that maried the Lady Abergeyney: Sir Henry Nevile
               was there and Sir John Lewson but what passed I have not yet heard. The Lady
               Haddingdon <note>Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Radcliffe, fifth Earl of Sussex, and
                  wife of John Ramsay, Viscount Haddington.</note> was forward with child and
               miscaried the last weeke. About this day sevenit the Countesse of Salisburie
                  <note>For notes on this letter, see also Letter 162.</note> was brought abed of a
               daughter, and lies in very richly, for the hanging of her chamber, being white satin,
               embroidered with gold (or silver) and perle is valued at fowreteen thousand pounds.
               The Prince Palatin feasted all the counsaile the last weeke, and carried himself with
               great commendation, but specially he respected the archbishop and his followers above
               all the rest, as having receved only at his hands entertainment and kind usage since
               his comming into England. On Sonday last and on Candlemas day he and his Lady were
               solemnly asked openly in the chappell by the bishop of Bath and Wells <note>James
                  Montagu.</note>, and the next Sonday is the last time of asking. Here is
               extraordinarie preparation for fireworkes and fights upon the water, with three
               Castles built upon eight westem barges, and one great castle upon the land over
               against the court. One or two of the Kings pinnesses are come already from Rochester
               and divers other vessells to the number of sixe and thirty are provided some like
               gallies, some galleasses, and some like carraques and other ships of warre, and above
               five hundred watermen alredy pressed, and a thousand musket- ters of the trained
               bande in the shires hereabout made redy for this service, which in all computation
               cannot stand the King in so litle as five thousand pound. On Tewsday I tooke occasion
               to go to court because I had never seen the Palsgrave, nor the Lady Elizabeth (neere
               hand) of a long time: I had my full view of them both, but will not tell you all I
               thincke, but only this, that he owes his mistres nothing yf he were a Kings sonne as
               she is a Kings daughter. The worst is mee thincks he is much too young and small
               timbred to undertake such a taske. The Count Maurice at the receving of the garter in
               the Lowe Countries shewed himself very bountifull, and gave great rewards to the king
               of Heraulds and his followers, as perhaps your brother may understand from Sir Rafe
               Winwod, though yt may be he will not certifie that himself had a cup of gold for a
               present worth five hundred pound: he hath ben very fortunat for such wind-falls
               though he hath no great fortune from Sir Thomas Bodley, where there was more reason
               to expect yt: for dieng in his house (which he bought of him above a yeare since,) he
               hath left him litle or nothing but his old armorie that he could not tell well what
               els to do withall, and is in no way worth twenty marke. He died on Thursday last
               between fowre and five in the afternoon having lien speachles and without knowing any
               body almost thirty howres. His executors are Sir John Bennet and Master Hackwell a
               younge lawier, Sir Rafe Winwod and Sir Henry Savile his overseers, and supravisors
               over them the archbishop of Caunterburie, the Lord Chauncellor and the Lord Cooke, to
               each of these last bequeathing a cup of gold of the value of fifty pound, wheras to
               his brothers <note>His brothers, Sir Josias Bodley, military engineer in Ireland, and
                  Laurence Bodley, canon of Exeter, the four sons of his brother Miles, who died in
                  1594, and the children of his sisters, as well as his wife’s children by her first
                  husband, are all remembered in his will.</note> he hath left very litle, and to
               his brothers sonnes who are his heyres and must hold up his house and name scant any
               thing. To Master Gent and Tom Allen like a couple of almesmen he hath left his best
               and second gowne and his best and second cloke, but to cast a colour or shadow of
               somwhat upon Master Gent, he makes a clause that he forgeves him all he ought him,
               which Master Gent protests to be never a pennie, and hath much ado to withhold from
               blasing how much and many wayes he was beholding to him in former times, and indeed
               indebted: but howsoever yt be, his beeing so obsequious and servile to him so long a
               time deserved a better recompence and reward. But his servants murmure and grumble
               most, with whom he hath dealt very mecanically <note>Basely, parsimoniously.</note>:
               some of them having served him and her very painfully above two and twenty yeare,
               others sixteen, others fowreteen, and the best not reaping after so long expectation
               above twenty pounds, the rest ten, and those not past two or three neither. He makes
               no mention of any frend he had, not so much as for a mourning garment, nor will not
               allow yt his servants unles they go to his funerall at Oxford to fetch yt, but let
               goode nature go, yf he had had regard of conscience toward his wifes children by whom
               he had all his wealth, but in truth he hath dealt hardly with one of them who hath
               many children and is in need and distresse, and by his meanes: the story wherof is
               too long for a letter: and all this for a vainglory and shew of goode deeds, for he
               hath geven about seven thousand pound to his librarie at Oxford, and two hundred
               pound to Merton Colledge, besides mourning to all the students of that house from the
               highest to the lowest. This and such like makes me know and esteem the world as yt
               is, nothing but vanitie and in that meditation I will leave and commit you to God.
               From London this 4th of February 1612.</p>
            <l>Yours most assuredly</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To my assured goods frend Mistris Alice Carleton at the Lord Ambassadors at
               Venice.</p>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>164. TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD.</head>
            <l>[Winwood Papers, vol. viii.]</l>
            <l>[London, February 10, 1613.</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: I am now in arrierages with you for both your letters of the 21th
               and 26th of the last moneth: but yt is not altogether my fault, for yf I knew the
               times and dayes when to send I wold not be so farr behind hand: but the best is you
               have here so diligent an observer <note>Lady Winwood was then in London.</note> of
               all occasions, that nothing can scape unadvertised, so that were yt not more to shew
               my goode will and serviceable affection, then for any matter of worth, my double
               diligence might well enough be spared. The King, Prince and Count Palatin came home
               yesterday from the installation <note>Of Frederick, the Elector Palatine, and of
                  Count Maurice of Nassau as Knights of the Garter.</note> at Windsor, where the
               Count Lodovic of Nassau supplied the place of Count Maurice putting in his caveat
               salvis consti- tutionibus Foederatarum Provinciarum, as likewise the Prince Palatin
               salvo jure Imperii. I heare our Lords made some difficultie to yeeld that Count
               Maurice shold skip over theyre heads and be placed next the Princes, but the case was
               overruled. The mariage drawes neere and all things are redy. On Sonday was theyre
               last time of asking opening in the chappell. The Quene growes every day more
               favorable, and there is hope she will grace yt with her presence. Here is a troupe of
               three or five hundred musketts made redy by the citie to gard the court during these
               triumphes: and we have extraordinarie watches of substantiall housholders every
               night, and an alderman in person to oversee them. The preparations for fire workes
               and fights upon the water are very great and have alredy consumed 6000 li which a man
               wold easilie beleve that sees the provision of sixe and thirty sayle of pinnesses,
               gallies, galeasses, carraques and other vessells so trimmed, furnished and painted,
               that I beleve there was never such a fleet seen above the bridge, besides fowre
               floting castles with fire workes, and the representation of the towne, fort and haven
               of Argier upon the land. There was expectation of some cre- ation of noble-men at
               this solemnitie, but we heare no more of yt, only yt is thought we shall have a new
               frie of knights to the number of forty at the least, for the Lady Elizabeths
               followers have no other meanes to put themselves in equipage, but make port-sale
                  <note>Public sale to the highest bidder.</note> and kepe as yt were open market to
               all commers for 150 li a man. I cannot learne that she carries over any English man
               of sort to continue about her but all Scottes, but I thincke the women are for most
               part English toward nineteen or twenty. The time of his and her departure hence is
               already prefixed to be about Thursday in Easter weeke, that falles to be the 8th of
               Aprill. The King at his beeing at Newmarket made seven or eight knights wherof Sir
               Humfry May was the leader, Sir Robert Wingfeld (that lately maried a daughter of Sir
               Roger Ashtons), Sir Olave Lee, Sir... Undrill <note>Sir Edward Underhill.</note> late
               proctor of Oxford, Sir... Clopton, Sir... Wild <note>Sir Edmund Wyld.</note> and I
               know not who els. The Lady Haddington <note>Cf. Letter 163.</note> was forward with
               child and miscaried the last weeke. The Lady of Bedford <note>Lucy, daughter of John,
                  first Lord Harington of Exton, and wife of Edward Russell, third Earl of
                  Bedford.</note> lies in weake case (and they say) drawing on. The Countesse of
               Salisburies daughter <note>Cf. Letter 162.</note> is to be christned this day in the
               Kings chappell the Quene and the Countesse of Suffolke her mother beeing to be
               Godmothers. Here be many devises on foote to find monie and among the rest they
               speake of a benevolence which is to be laide up and called aes or rather aerarium
               sacrum, not to be touched but in cases of extremitie, and in defence of the realme.
               The circuits are all altered and the Lord Cooke <note>Sir Edward Coke.</note> put to
               go Northampton, Lincoln and Lecestershire, for the King sayes he will make no more
               use of Non obstantes, that Judges may ride and kepe assises in theyre owne country.
               Sir William St. John a sea-man, that was to be one of our cheif commaunders in this
               freshwater fight, is committed to the Fleet for replieng somewhat roundly to a lie
               (as I heare) geven him at the counsaile table by the earle of Northampton <note>Henry
                  Howard, Earl of Northampton.</note>. Sir Henry Wotton is busie in setting out the
               difference twixt the Pope and the Venetians with all the circumstances that passed in
               the time of the interdict <note>Cf. Letter 125.</note>: and withall meanes (he sayes)
               to make a character <note>Ct. A Parallel betweene Robert late Earle of Essex, and
                  George late Duke of Buckingham, 1641. Repinted in Reliquiae Wollonianae, 1651. L.
                  P. Smith prints what he believes to be Wotton’s character of Salisbury in Wotton,
                  ii, 487— 489.</note> (as he calles yt) of the earle of Essex his first master, and
               of the Lord Treasurer his last patron. I doubt not but ere this time you have a copie
               of Sir Thomas Bodleys will; whose funerall is to be performed at Oxford the 22th of
               March, and his body to be buried in Merton College. His executors do what they can to
               stop the clamors and complaints of his people, and other speaches spred of him, and
               his hard dealing. One argument of his vanitie I will adventure to communicate unto
               you, though yt were in a manner committed to me sub sigillo confessionis, and so I
               pray you let yt remain till you heare more. He hath written his owne life in seven
               sheetes of paper, and not leaving out the least minutezze, or omitting nothing that
               might tend to his owne glorie or commendation, he hath not so much as made mention of
               his wife or that he was maried, wherby you may see what a mind he carried, and what
               account he made of his best benefactors; this treatise is commended to the handes of
               the prime prelate, who I feare will suppresse yt, for he hath too much judgment to
               let yt be published: as I was closing up this letter I receved yours of the 5th of
               this present which doth so much double my debt, that I have no other way to repay yt
               but with the offer of my true and faithfull service which is as much at yours and
               your goode Ladies command as of any two living, and so I commend you both and all
               yours to the protection of the Almighty. From London this 10th of February 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to commaund</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To the right honorable Sir Rafe Winwod knight Lord Ambassador for his Majestie with
               the States of the United Provinces at the Haghe.</p>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>165. TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, lxxii, 26.]</l>
            <l>[London, February 11, 1613.]</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: Though here be much ado and great noise and stirring, yet have I
               litle to advertise. The King, Prince and Count Palatin came home on Tewsday from the
               installation <note>For notes on this letter, see Letter 164.</note> at Windsor, where
               the Count Lodowic of Nassau supplied the place of Count Maurice, putting in his
               caveat salvis constitutionibus Provinciarum foederatarum, as likewise the Prince
               Palatin salvo jure Imperii. I heare that our Lords made some difficultie to yeeld
               that Count Maurice shold skip over theyre heades and be placed next to the Princes,
               but the case was overruled. Count Henry of Nassau was dayly expected, as appointed by
               the States to performe that ceremonie for his brother, and to assist at the wedding,
               but by reason of contrarie weather he arrived not till yesternight. The mariage
               drawes neere and all thinges are redy. On Sonday was theyre last time of asking
               opening in the chappell: the Quene growes every day more favorable, and there is hope
               she will grace yt with her presence. Here is a band of 500 musketters made redy by
               the citie to gard the court during these triumphs, and we have extraordinarie watches
               of substantiall housholders every night, and an alderman in person to oversee them.
               Many searches are made, and much listening there is, which geves occasion to suspect
               that there is intelligence of some intended treacherie. Order is gon out likewise for
               generall musters through out all England to be finished by the end of March, and
               there is almost a confirmed opinion that we are to looke for troubles in Ireland. The
               preparations for fire workes and fights upon the water are very great, and have
               already consumed 6000 li which a man wold easilie beleve that sees the provision of
               sixe and thirty sayle of great pinesses, galeasses, carraques with great store of
               other smaller vessells so trimmed, furnished and painted, that I beleve there was
               never such a fleet seen above the bridge, besides fowre floting castles with fire
               workes, and the representation of the towne, fort and haven of Argier upon the land.
               This day they are to begin to play theyre prises, and so to continue and hold on to
               morrow and Saterday. The tides fall out very fit as beeing both spring tides, and the
               water at the best heigth from three to sixe, so that yf the weather serve as well
               they can wish no more, for they have the whole river at libertie, being shut up both
               above and beneath with a huge number of lighters and long masts that no boates can
               come to trouble them. Sir Robert Mansell is cheife commaunder, who takes great paines
               and no doubt will do his best to shew his abilitie: Sir William St. John a goode
               sea-man that was to be likewise a principall actor in this fresh-water fight, was
               lately committed to the Fleet, for misdemeanure in his charge in Ireland (as some
               say) others for replieng somewhat roundly to a lie geven him at the counsaile table
               by one of the Lords. Yt was once thought we shold have some creation of noble-men at
               this solemnitie, but we heare no more of yt: only there is speach of a new frie of
               knights to the number of forty, for the Lady Elizabeths followers have litle other
               meanes to put themselves in equipage, but (they say) make port-sale and kepe as yt
               were open market to all commers for 150 li a man. I cannot learne that she carries
               over any Englishman of sort to continue about her, but all Scotts. Mary I heare the
               women are for the most part English toward nineteen or twenty. The time of his and
               her departure hence is already prefixed to be about Thursday in Easterweeke which
               falls out to be the eighth of Aprill. The King at his beeing at Newmarket made seven
               or eight knights, wherof Sir Humfry May was leder, the rest Sir Robert Wingfeld,
               (that lately maried a daughter of Sir Roger Ashtons) Sir Olave Lee, Sir Ed: Undrill
               of Hamshire (that was the late proctor of Oxford and the last yeare buried his father
               and two elder brethren) Sir... Clopton, Sir... Wild and I know not who els. We have
               many devises on foote to find monie and among the rest they speake of a benevolence,
               which is to be laide up and called aes or rather aerarium sacrum, not to be touched
               but in cases of extremitie, and for defence of the realme. The circuits are all
               altered, and the Lord Cooke put to go to Northampton, Lincoln and Lecester- shire,
               for the King sayes he will make no more use of Non obstantes that Judges may ride and
               kepe assises in theyre owne countrie. The Lady of Bedford lies in weake case (and
               they say) drawing on. The Countesse of Salisburies daughter was to be christned this
               day in the Kings chappell, but yt is now put of till next weeke. The Quene and the
               Countesse of Darbie <note>Elizabeth, daughter of Edward de Vere, seventeenth Earl of
                  Oxford, and wife of William Stanley, sixth Earl of Derby.</note> are to be
               Godmothers and the Lord Admirall Godfather. So will all due remembrance to my Lady
               and Mistris Carleton I commend you to the protection of the Almighty. From London
               this 11th of February 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to commaund</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <l>To the right honorable Sir Dudley Carleton Knight Lord Ambassador for his Majestie at
               Venice.</l>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>166. TO ALICE CARLEION.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, lxxii, 30.</l>
            <l>[London, February 18, 1613.]</l>
            <p>Mistris Carleton: Though Master Waake <note>Isaac Wake, Carleton’s secretary, who
                  after several months in England was about to return to Venice.</note> be now
               comming and lookes for his dispatch within a day or two, who is able to make a large
               discourse of all that passed at this wedding <note>Of the Princess Elizabeth and
                  Frederick, Elector Palatine, which took place on February 14.</note>, yet because
               this is like to arrive there before him, I will geve you a litle touch or taste of
               that, wherof you may receive from him full and complete satisfaction. On Thursday
               night the fireworks were reasonablie well performed all save the last castle (of
               five) which bred most expectation and had most devises, but when yt came to
               execution, had worst successe. On Saterday likewise the fight upon the water came
               short of that shew and bragges had ben made of yt, but they pretend the best to be
               behind and left for another day, which was the winning of the castle on land: but the
               King and indeed all the compare tooke so litle delight to see no other activitie but
               shooting and potting of gunnes that yt is quite geven over and the navie unrigged and
               the castle pulled downe, the rather for that there were divers hurt in the former
               fight, (as one lost both his eyes, another both his hands, another one hande, with
               divers others maymed and hurt) so that to avoyde further harme, yt was thought best
               to let yt alone, and this is the conclusion of all the preparation with so much
               expence of powder and monie which amounted to no lesse then nine thousand pound. On
               Sonday I was fetcht from Sowles (where l was set at the sermon) to see the bridge go
               to church, and though yt were past ten a clocke before we came there yet we found a
               whole window reserved in the jewell-house, which was over against her comming downe a
               payre stayres out of the gallerie in the preaching-place to a long stage or gallerie
               made along the court into the hall; so that we had as much view as a short passage
               could geve, but the excesse of braverie, and the continued succession of new companie
               did so dasell me that I could not observe the tenth part of that I wisht. The
               bridgegrome and bridge were both in a sute of cloth of silver richly embrodered with
               silver, her traine carried up by thirteen younge Ladies (or Lords daughters at least)
               besides five or sixe more that could not come neere yt: these were all in the same
               liverie with the bride, though not so rich. The bride was maried in her haire that
               hung downe long, with an exceding rich cornet on her head (which the King valued the
               next day at a million of crownes). Her two bridemen were the younge Prince and the
               earle of Northampton. The King and Quene both followed, the Quene all in white but
               not very rich saving in jewells: the King me thought was somewhat straungely attired
               in a cap and a feather, with a Spanish Cape and a longe stocking. The chappell was
               very straightly kept none suffred to enter under the degree of a baron, but the three
               Lords Cheife Justices <note>Sir Thomas Fleming, Chief Justice of King’s Bench; Sir
                  Edward Coke, Chief Justice of Common Pleas; Sir Lawrence Tanfield, Chief Baron of
                  the Exchequer.</note>: in the midst there was a handsome stage or scaffold made,
               on the one side wherof sat the Kinge, Prince, Count Palatin and Count Henry of
               Nassau, on the other side the Quene with the bride and one or two more. Upon this
               stage they were maried by the archbishop of Caunterburie assisted by the bishop of
               Bath and Wells (who made the sermon). Yt was don all in English, and the Prince
               Palatin had learned as much as concerned his part reasonable perfectly. The French,
               Venetian and States ambassadors dined that day with the bride. The
               Spanish ambassador was sicke and the archdukes was invited for the next day but wold
               not come. That night was the Lords maske <note>By Thomas Campion. It is printed with
                  A relation of the late royall entertainment given by the Lord Knowles. (S. T. C.,
                  4545; Chambers, iii, 241-244.</note> wherof I heare no great commendation save
               only for riches, theyre devises beeing long and tedious and more like a play then a
               maske. The next morning the King went to visit these young turtles that were coupled
               on St. Valentines day, and did strictly examine him whether he were his true sonne in
               law, and was sufficiently assured. That afternoone the King, Prince, Count Palatin
               with divers others ran at the ring, and when that was ended, and the King and Prince
               gon, the Palsgrave mounted upon a high bounding horse, which he managed so like a
               horsman, that he was excedingly commended and had many showts and acclamations of the
               beholders, and indeed I never saw any of his age come neere him in that exercise. Yt
               were long and tedious to tell you all the particularities of the excessive braverie
               both of men and women, but you may conceive the rest by one or two. The Lady Wotton
                  <note>Margaret, daughter of Philip, third Lord Wharton, and the second wife of
                  Edward, first Lord Wotton of Marley.</note> had a gowne that cost fifty pound a
               yard the embrodering. I heare the earle of Northumberlands daughter <note>Henry
                  Percy, ninth Earl of Northumberland, then a prisoner in the Tower, had two
                  daughters: Dorothy, who in 1616 married Sir Robert Sidney (second Earl of
                  Leicester, 1626), and Lucy, who in 1617 married James, first Lord Hay (Viscount
                  Doncaster, 1618, Earl of Carlisle, 1622).</note> was very gallant, and the Lord
               Montague <note>Anthony Browne, second Viscount Montague.</note> (that hath paide
               reasonablie well for recusancie) bestowed fifteen hundred pound in apparell for his
               two daughters. The Vicount Rochester, the Lord Hayes and the Lord Dingwell were
               exceding rich and costly but above all they speake of the erle of Dorset, but this
               extreem cost and riches makes us all poore. On Monday night was the Middle Temple and
               Lincolns Ynne maske <note>By George Chapman. (S. T. C., 4981, 4982; Chambers, ii,
                  260-262. )</note> presented in the hall at court, wheras the Lords was in the
               bancketting roome. Yt went from the Rolles <note>In Chancery Lane.</note> all up
               Fleet-street and the Strand, and made such a gallant and glorious shew that yt is
               highly commended. They had forty gentlemen of best choise out of both houses rode
               before them in theyre best array, upon the Kings horses: and the twelve maskers with
               theyre torch-bearers and pages rode likewise upon horses excedingly well trapped and
               furnished: besides a dousen litle boyes, dresst like babones that served for an
               antimaske, (and they say performed yt exceedingly well when they came to yt), and
               three open chariots drawne with fowre horses a peece that caried theyre musicians,
               and other personages that had parts to speake: all which together with theyre
               trumpetters and other attendants were so well set out, that yt is generally held for
               the best shew that hath ben seen many a day. The Kinge stood in the gallerie to
               behold them and made them ride about the tilt-yard, and then were receved into St.
               James Parke and went all along the galleries into the hall, where themselves and
               their devises (which they say were excellent) made such a glittering shew that the
               King and all the companie were excedingly pleased, and especially with theyre
               dauncing, which was beyond all that hath ben yet. The King made the maskers kisse his
               hand at parting, and gave them many thanckes, sayeng he never saw so many proper men
               together, and himself accompanied them at the banket, and tooke care yt shold be well
               ordered, and speakes much of them behind their backes, and strokes the master of the
               rolles <note>Sir Edward Phelips.</note> and Dick Martin <note>Richard Martin of the
                  Middle Temple.</note> who were the cheife dooers and undertakers. On Tewsday yt
               came to Grayes Ynne and the Inner Temples turne to come with theyre maske, wherof Sir
               Fra: Bacon was the cheife contriver, and because the former came on horse backe, and
               open chariots, they made choise to come by water from Winchester Place in Southwarke:
               which suted well enough with theyre devise, which was the mariage of the river of
               Thames to the Rhine: and theyre shew by water was very gallant by reason of infinite
               store of lights very curiously set and placed: and many boats and barges with devises
               of light and lampes, with three peales of ordinance, one at theyre taking water,
               another in the Temple garden, and the last at their landing: which passage by water
               cost them better then three hundred pound. They were receved at the privie stayres:
               and great expectation theyre was that they shold every way exceed theyre competitors
               that went before them, both in devise, daintines, of apparell, and above all in
               dauncing (wherein they are held excellent) and esteemed for the properer men: but by
               what yll planet yt fell out I know not, they came home as they went without dooing
               any thing, the reason wherof I cannot yet learne thoroughly, but only that the hall
               was so full that yt was not possible to avoyde yt or make roome for them, besides
               that most of the Ladies were in the galleries to see them land, and could not get in:
               but the worst of all was that the King was so wearied and sleepie with sitting up
               almost two whole nights before, that he had no edge to yt, wherupon Sir Fra Bacon
               adventured to intreat his Majestie, that by this disgrace he wold not as yt were bury
               them quicke: and I heare the King shold aunswer, that then they must burie him quicke
               for he could last no longer, but withall gave them very goode wordes and appointed
               them to come again on Saturday <note>It was presented February 20. Cf. Letter
                  167.</note>: but the grace of theyre maske is quite gon when theyre apparell hath
               ben already shewed and theyre devises vented so that how yt will fall out God knowes,
               for they are much discouraged, and out of countenance, and the world sayes yt comes
               to passe after the old proverb the properer men the worse lucke. One thing I had
               almost forgotten for hast that all this time there was a course taken and so notified
               that no Lady or gentleman shold be admitted to any of these sight with a verdingale
                  <note>Farthingale.</note>, which was to gaine the more roome, and I hope may serve
               to make them quite left of in time. And yet there were more scaffolds and more
               provision made for roome then ever I saw both in the hall and banketting roome,
               besides a new roome built to dine, sup and daunce in. And thus in great haste I
               commit you to God. From London this 18th of February 1612.</p>
            <l>Yours most assuredly</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>167. TO SIR RALPH WINWOOD.</head>
            <l>[Winwood Papers, vol. viii.]</l>
            <l>[London, February 23, 1613.]</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: Since my last of the 10th of this present here hath ben litle to
               advertise, but the consummation of the Lady Elizabeths mariage with the Count
               Palatin, together with the triumphes and shewes both before and after <note>For notes
                  on this letter, see also Letter 166.</note>. I need not tell you how much this
               match is to the contentment of all well affected people, and what joy they take in
               yt, as beeing a firme foundation for the stablishing of religion, which (upon what
               conceit I know not) was before suspected to be in bransle. But the Roman Catholikes
               maligne yt as much, and do what they can to disgrace yt as beeing the ruine of theyre
               hopes. The Quene that seemed not to taste yt so well at first, is since so come about
               that she doth all she can to grace yt, and takes speciall comfort in him. The
               solemnities were performed in the chappell, whether the bride was conveyed on a
               scaffold or open gallerie all alonge the courtyard, arrayed in white, with her haire
               hanging downe long, and a rich coronet on her heade, led by the younge Prince and the
               earle of Northampton her bride-men: and her traine carried up by thirteen younge
               Ladies (or Lords daughters at least) besides five or sixe more that could not come
               neere yt, all suted in the same liverie of white and embroiderie. The bishop of Bath
               and Wells preached, and the archbishop performed the other rites and cere- monies
               upon a stage raised in the middes of the chappell, on the right side wherof sat the
               King with the Prince, Palsgrave, and Count Henry <note>Of Nassau.</note>, on the
               other the Quene, with the bride, the Lady Harrington <note>Anne, wife of John, first
                  Lord Harington of Exton.</note>, and one or two more. The chappell was kept very
               straight, and none admitted under the degree of a baron, saving the three Lords
               Cheife Justices: the contract and mariage was celebrated all in English, and the
               Prince Palatin had learned as much as concerned his part reasonable perfectly. Yt
               were to no end to write of the curiositie and excesse of braverie both of men and
               women: with the extreme daubing on of cost and riches, only a touch shall serve in a
               few for a pattern of the rest. The Lady Wotton was saide to have a gowne that cost
               fifty pound a yeard the embrodering: and the Lord Montague (that hath paide
               reasonable well for recusancie) bestowed 1500 in apparell upon his two daughters. The
               bridegroome and bride with the Prince, French, Venetian, Count Henry and States
               ambassadors dined in a roome built of purpose for this mariage. The Spaniard was, or
               wold be sicke, and the archdukes ambassador beeing invited for the next day made his
               excuse, and the ambassadors that were present, were not altogether pleased (as I
               heare) but every one found some puntillo of disgust. There was a matter happened the
               same day, which though yt were not then so much noted, hath since bred much speach:
               Lion the Scottish king of Heralds beeing expresly sent for, ware a rich coate of
               armes (provided here) with the armes of Scotland before England; which is thought to
               be a great affront offered at such a time, in such a place, to such a people. Now for
               the fire works and fight upon the water, (the one performed the Thursday night, the
               other on Saterday in the afternoone before the mariage) there was nothing in either
               aunswerable to the great expectation conceved, or the cost bestowed, which amounted
               to more than 9000 li so that according to the proverb Parturiunt montes et ct. Marry
               they pretend the best was kept backe for another day, but the King and indeed all the
               companie were so sufficiently unsatisfied with this, that they cared not nor desired
               to see any more, the rather for that there was much hurt don, and divers maymed. The
               Lords maske likewise on the mariage night, though yt were very rich and sumptous, yet
               yt was very long and tedious, and with many devises more like a play then a maske,
               but the Middle Templers and Lincolns Ynne gave great contentment on Monday night, as
               well with theyre gracefull comming on horsebacke, as in all the rest of theyre apt
               invention, apparell, fashion, and specially theyre excellent dauncing, wherewith the
               King was so much delighted that he gave them many thanks, and much commendation as
               well to theyre faces as behind theyre backs. But the next day our Grayes Ynne men and
               the Inner Temple had not the same fortune, though they deserved no lesse: for
               striving to varie from theyre competitors, (and theyre devise beeing the marieng of
               the Thames to the Rhine,) they made choise to go by water from Winchester-house in
               Southwarke, with theyre boats and barges excedingly trimmed, and furnished with store
               of lights that made a glorious shew, and three peale of ordinance (at theyre taking
               water, at theyre passing by the Temple, and at theyre landing,) which passage by
               water cost them better then 300 li. But when they were landed at the court, (by what
               mischaunce I know not) they were faine to return as they went without dooing any
               thing, the reason wherof some say was because the hall was so full that yt could not
               be avoyded nor roome made for them, and most of the principall Ladies (that were in
               the galleries to see theyre leading) excluded: but the most probable is that the King
               was so satiated, and overwearied with watching the two nights before, that he could
               hold out no longer and so was driven to put yt of till Saterday, when yt was very
               well performed in the new banketing house, which for a kind of amends was graunted to
               them though with much repining and contradiction of theyre emulators <note>The masque
                  was by Francis Beaumont. (S. T. C., 1663; Chambers, iii, 233-235.</note>. The next
               day the King made them all a solemne super in the new mariage roome, and used them so
               well and graciously that he sent both parties away well pleased. At this great
               solemnitie there was no creation of noblemen, nor making of knights as was most
               assuredly expected, the reason wherof is diversly interpreted. The speach is now who
               shalbe commissioners to conduct the Lady Elizabeth home, and to see her and her
               joynter well setled: the Duke of Lennox <note>Ludovick Stuart, second Duke of
                  Lennox.</note>, the earle of Arundell <note>Thomas Howard, second Earl of Arundel
                  and Surrey.</note>, the vicount Lile <note>Robert Sidney, Viscount Lisle.</note>,
               the Lord Zouch <note>Edward, eleventh Lord Zouche.</note> and the Lord Harrington
                  <note>John, first Lord Harington of Exton.</note> are named, and Levinus for
               secretarie in that service. I doubt not but you have heard of the death of the Lady
               Conway <note>Dorothy, daughter of Sir John Tracy, and wife of Sir Edward Conway,
                  Governor of the Brill.</note>, and the Lady Mary Nevill <note>Mary, daughter of
                  Thomas Sackville, first Earl of Dorset, and wife of Sir Henry Neville, ultimately
                  Lord Abergavenny.</note> (the Lord Treasurer Dorsets daughter): yesterday there
               was a sodain bruit that the Lord Zouch was dead or in great daunger. The King went
               yesterday to Tiballs and so toward Roiston and Newmarket to enjoy this fayre weather,
               and the Count Palatin is to follow that way, and so to Cambrige very shortly. The
               Quene removes this weeke to Greenwich: and this beeing all I have for the present I
               will commend your goode Lady and all yours to Gods holy protection. From London this
               23th of February 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to command</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To the right honorable Sir Rafe Winwod knight Lord Ambassador for his Majestie with
               the States of the United Provinces at the Haghe.</p>
         </div>
         <div>
            <head>168. TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON.</head>
            <l>[S. P. Dom., Jac. I, Ixxii, 48.]</l>
            <l>[London, February 25, 1613.]</l>
            <p>My very goode Lord: Yt seemes by your letter of the 22th of the last, that since mine
               of the 17th of December, two ordinaries together came empty; the reason wherof I
               cannot conceive, seeing I have not fayled any weeke since that time of writing to you
               or Mistris Carleton <note>Alice Carleton.</note>, or both. Master Waake <note>Isaac
                  Wake, Carleton's secretary, who had been in England for several months</note> is
               now in procinctu, having taken his leave of his Majestie and stayes only for his
               dispatch and letters, which he hath, or is promised to have this day at the farthest.
               On Friday Sir Walter Cope sent for me to see a sacrifice made of your papers
                  <note>Cf. Letter 161.</note>, which in the presence of Sir Antony Cope and myself
               he threw into the fire and saw them consumed, beeing to my remembrance fowre or five,
               I know not whether. The King went away on Monday to Tiballs and so toward Roiston and
               Newmarket, whence he is not expected till the 22th of March. The Prince and Count
               Palatin follow him this day, and meane the next weeke to visit Cambrige: and there is
               speach that before Easter they will make a progresse to Oxford: which wilbe a goode
               errand for the young maried gentleman, whose frends and followers wish he might
               oftener have occasion to visit his uncle. All well affected people take great
               pleasure and contentment in this match, as beeing a firme foundation and stablishing
               of religion, which (upon what ground I know not) was before suspected to be in
               bransle: and the Roman Catholikes maligne yt as much, as beeing the ruine of theyre
               hopes. The Quene likewise is well come about, and graces yt all she can and seemes to
               take speciall comfort in him. Yesterday was the great christning of the earle of
               Salisberies daughter <note>Cf. Letters 162, 164.</note> in the chappell at court,
               whence the Quene, Prince, Palatin, Lady Elizabeths highnes and all the companie
               convoyed yt home and went by water to the banket. The Quene removes to morrow to
               Grenwich to injoy this fayre weather which hath ben exceding cleere, sweet and
               pleasant almost this fortnight. Our revells and triumphes within doores gave great
               content- ment beeing both daintie and curious in devise and sumptuous in shew:
               specially the ynnes of court whose two maskes <note>Cf. Letters 166, 167.</note>
               stoode them in better then 4000 li besides the gallantrie and expence of private
               gentlemen, that were but ante-ambulones and went only to accompanie them. And our
               Grayes Ynne men and the Ynner Templers <note>For notes on this letter, see also
                  Letters 166, 167.</note> were nothing discouraged for all the first dodge, but on
               Saterday last performed theyre parts exceding well, and with great applause and
               approbation both from the King and all the companie. The next night the King invited
               the maskers with theyre assistants to the number of forty to a solemne supper in the
               new mariage roome, where they were well treated and much graced with kissing his
               Majesties hand, and every one having a particuler accoglienza from him. The King
               husbanded the matter so well that this feast was not at his owne cost, but he and his
               companie wan yt upon a wager of running at the ring of the Prince and his nine
               followers, who payed thirty pound a man: the King, Quene, Prince, Palatin and Lady
               Elizabeth sat at table by themselves: and the great Lords and Ladies with the
               praskers (above fowrescore in all) sat at another long table, so that there was no
               roome for them that made the feast but they were faire to be lookers on, which the
               young Lady Rich <note>Isobel, daughter of Sir Walter Cope, and wife of Sir Henry
                  Rich.</note> tooke no great pleasure in to see her husband (who was one that
               payde) not so much as drincke for his monie. The ambassadors that were at this
               wedding and shewes were the French, Venetian, Count Henry and Caron for the States:
               the Spaniard was, or wold be sicke, and the arch- dukes ambassador beeing invited for
               the second day made a sullen excuse: and those that were present were not altogether
               so pleased, but that I heare every one had some puntillo of disgust. The Duke of
               Lennox, the Vicount Lile, the Lord Zouch, and the Lord Harrington are in speach to be
               commissioners to go over with the Lady Elizabeth, to see her and her joynter setled,
               and Levinus <note>Levinus Munck.</note> is named secretarie for that service. I heare
               the earle of Arundell is added to the number, who meanes to carry over his Lady, and
               no doubt they will both make another viage into Italie. Till the very howre that the
               King went hence men were still in suspence, and great expectation there was of new
               officers, and Sir H. N. <note>Sir Henry Neville.</note> frends made full account of
               him from day to day, but beeing now driven from that hold, they spin out theyre hopes
               till the Lady Elizabeth be past the Lowcountries, and then we shall see what will
               become of our goode frend there <note>Sir Ralph Winwood</note>, for whom one place is
               thought to be reserved, and for my part I thincke yt most probable but yf we fayle
               then yt shalbe the last time of my looking at any such busines. We were much deceved
               likewise in our expectation of new creations of noble men and knightings, at these
               solemnities, for the King wold not be drawne to yt by any meanes, which hath mard the
               market, or rather raised the price to extraordinarie rate. Only the Deputie of
               Ireland <note>Sir Arthur Chichester.</note> is made Lord Chichester of Belfast
               against the parlement that is to be held there in May. This weeke here died the Lady
               Mary Nevill (daughter to the late Treasurer Dorset), of a longe languishing sicknes;
               and the Lady Conway of the Brill much after the same sort, as likewise Sir William
               Cookes Lady <note>Lucy, daughter of Sir Thomas Lucy of Charlecote,
                  Warwickshire.</note> of Charing Crosse. Sir Henry Savile shewed me the last weeke
               his notes taken in the reading of Sir Thomas Bodleys life <note>Cf. Letter
                  164.</note>, written by himself in seven sheets of paper with vanitie enough,
               wherin omitting not the least minutezze that might turne to his glorie, he doth not
               so much as make mention of his wife, nor that he was maried; nor of Secretarie
               Walsingham <note>Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary of State, 1573-1590.</note> nor
               the earle of Lecester <note>Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, Queen Elizabeth’s
                  favorite.</note> who were all his maine raisers, whereby may be seen, what mind he
               caried to his best benefactors. Here was an odde fray fell out the last weeke twixt
               one Huchinson <note>Thomas Hutchinson of Owthorpe, Nottinghamshire.</note> of Grayes
               Ynne and Sir German Poole, who assaulting the other upon advantage, hurt him in three
               or fowre places, and cut of three of his fingers before he could draw his weapon,
               wherupon inraged he flew upon him and getting him downe bit of a goode part of his
               nose and carried yt away in his pocket. I had almost forgotten one accident at this
               late wedding, which was not then much noted, but is since much spoken of. Lion the
               Scottish king of Heralds beeing expressed sent for, had a rich coat of armes provided
               here, with the armes of Scotland before those of England, and ware yt (as he saide)
               by commaundment, which is not much required into but howsoever yt is thought a
               strange affront offered at such a time in such a place to such a people. So with all
               due remembrance to my Lady and Mistris Carleton I commend you to the protection of
               the Almighty. From London this 25th of February 1612.</p>
            <l>Your Lordships to commaund</l>
            <l>JOHN CHAMBERLAIN.</l>
            <p>To the right honorable Sir Dudley Carleton knight Lord Ambassador for his Majestie at
               Venice.</p>
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John Lacey

Robert Treat Paine

Bucknell Review, Vol. 47, Issue 2

On Woman's Refusal to Celebrate Male Creativity

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      <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_102.jpg"/>
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         <div><head><title>On Woman's Refusal to Celebrate Male Creativity</title></head>
            <byline>Rivolta Femminile</byline> <note type="scholarNote">Text written by Rivolta Femminile, March 1971; free translation by <persName key="Arlene Ladden" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q106878856">Arlene Ladden</persName> from Carla Lonzi, Sputiamo su Hegel: La Donna clitoridea e la donna vaginale e altri scritti, Scritti di Rivolta Femminile, 1, 2, 3, Milan, 1974.</note>
         
        <quote> Rivolta Femminile is an Italian group of radical
            feminists founded in Rome in July 1970, now
            associated with other feminist groups in Milan,
            Turin, Genoa and Florence. They have consistently resisted hierarchal structures and male-dominated institutions and their development
            of feminist theory has been detailed in publications such as <persName key="Carla Lonzi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3658850">Carla Lonzi</persName>'s <title key="Sputiamo su Hegel" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q42245141" cert="high">Sputiamo su Hegel</title>
            (1970) and <title level="m">La Donna clitoridea e la donna vaginale</title> (1977), the collective's <title><emph>Sessualita femminile e aborto</emph></title> (1977) and <persName key="Carla Accardi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2939027">Carla Accardi</persName>'s <title><emph>Superiore e inferiore</emph></title> (1972). The latter records the
            author's dismissal from her job after discussing
            the Rivolta Femminile manifesto with her female high school students. All publications are
            available from Rivolta Femminile, Via del
            Babuino 16, Rome, Italy.</quote>
         <div><p>We in Rivolta Femminile refuse to pay tribute
            to male creativity because we are aware that in
            the patriarchal world—that is, in a world made
            by men and for men—even the liberating force of creativity is the prerogative of men. Woman—in so many ways a subsidiary being—is
            denied every role which could effect a recognition of these inequities. For her, there is no
            prospect of liberation.</p>
            <p>The creativity of men speaks to the creativity
               of other men while woman, as client and spectator of that dialogue, is assigned a status which
               excludes competition. Woman is locked into a
               role which, <lang><emph>a priori</emph></lang>, assures the male artist an
               audience. While <emph>creating</emph> art is seen to have a
               liberating function, art as an institution insists
               that woman be the neutral witness to the work
               of others. Man's energy, even in art, is spent by
               competing with other men. Only the contemplation of art invites woman's involvement.</p>
            <p>This is the nature of patriarchal creativity: to
               depend upon aggressive competition with male
               rivals and on the passive appreciation of women. Man, the artist, feels abandoned by woman
               as soon as she abandons her archetypal spectator's role; their mutual solidarity rests solely on
               <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_103.jpg"/> the conviction that, as a spectator gratified by
               creativity, woman reaches the highest possible
               point in the evolution of her species.</p>
            <p>But, on the contrary, woman is discovering
               that the patriarchal world <emph>needs</emph> her—that
               man's self-liberating efforts absolutely depend
               on her—and that <emph>woman's</emph> liberation can only
               be realized independent of patriarchal previsions and the dynamics by which men liberate
               themselves. The artist depends upon woman to
               glorify his work and she, until she begins her
               own liberation, is happy to oblige. The work of
               art cannot afford to lose the security inherent in
               her exclusively receptive role.</p>
            <p>Once aware of her position in relation to
               male creativity, woman is left with two possibilities: the first—until now, the only available
               option—of distinguishing herself within the creative hierarchy historically defined by men
               (which alienates her from other women while
               men recognize her only indulgently); or—the
               feminist alternative—of autonomously recovering her own creativity, nourished by her awareness of past oppression.</p>
            <p>To celebrate male creativity is ultimately to
               submit to the historic sovereignty of men, to
               that patriarchal strategy which deliberately subjugates us. But let woman remove herself, and
               the struggle for male supremacy becomes not
               man lording it over woman, but merely a struggle between individual men.</p>
            <p>By refusing to celebrate male creativity, we
               are not judging creativity, nor are we contesting
               it. Rather, with our absence, we are refusing to
               accept it as defined; we are challenging the
               concept of art as something which men graciously hand down to us. By ceasing to believe
               in a refracted liberation, we are unleashing
               creative energy from patriarchal bonds.</p>
            <p>With her absence, woman performs a dramatic act of awareness, creative because it <emph>is</emph> liberating.
            </p>
         </div>
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The Pink Glass Swan

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			<pb n="82" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_084.jpg"/>
			<div type="essay">
				<head>
					<title>The Pink Glass Swan: Upward and Downward Mobility in the Art
						World</title></head>
				<byline><persName key="Lucy R. Lippard" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q137115">Lucy Lippard</persName></byline>
				<p>The general alienation of contemporary avant-garde art from any broad audience has
					been crystallized in the women's movement. From the beginning, both liberal
					feminists concerned with changing women's personal lives and socialist feminists
					concerned with overthrowing the classist/racist/sexist foundations of society have
					agreed that "fine" art is more or less irrelevant, though holding out the hope that
					feminist art could and should be different. The American women artists' movement has
					concentrated its efforts on gaining power within its own interest group—the art
					world, in itself an incestuous network of relationships between artists and art on
					the one hand and dealers publishers, buyers on the other. The "public," the
					"masses," or the "audience" is hardly considered.</p>
				<p> The art world has evolved its own curious class system. Externally this is a
					microcosm of capitalist society, but it maintains an internal dialectic (or just
					plain contradiction) that attempts to reverse or ignore that parallel. Fame may be
					a higher currency than mere money, but the two tend to go together. Since the buying
					and selling of art and artists is done by the ruling classes or by those chummy with
					them and their institutions, all artists or producers, no matter what their
					individual economic backgrounds are dependent on the owners and forced into a
					proletarian role—just as women, in <persName key="Friedrich Engels" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q34787">Engels'</persName> analysis, play proletarian to the male
					ruler across all class boundaries. Looking at and "appreciating" art in this century
					has been understood as an instrument (or at best a result) of upward social mobility
					in which owning art is the ultimate step. Making art is at the bottom of the scale.
					This is the only legitimate reason to see artists as so many artists see
					themselves—as "workers." At the same time, artists/makers tend to feel misunderstood
					and, as creators, innately superior to the buyers/owners. The innermost circle of
					the art-world class system thereby replaces the rulers with the creators, and the
					contemporary artist in the big city (read New York) is a schizophrenic creature.
					S/he is persistently working "up" to be accepted, not only by other artists but also
					by the hierarchy that exhibits, writes about, and buys her/his work. At the same
					time s/he is often ideologically working "down" in an attempt to identify with the
					workers outside of the art context, and to overthrow the rulers in the name of art.
					This conflict is augmented by the fact that most artists are originally from the
					middle class, and their approach to the bourgeoisie includes a touch of adolescent
					rebellion against authority. Those few who have actually emerged from the working
					class sometimes use this—their very lack of background privilege—as privilege in
					itself, while playing the same schizophrenic foreground role as their solidly
					middle-class colleagues.</p>
				<p> Artists, then, are workers or at least producers even when they don't know it. Yet
					artists dressed in work clothes (or expensive imitations thereof) and producing a
					commodity accessible only to the rich differ drastically from the real working class
					in that artists control their production and their product—or could if they
					realized it and if they had the strength to maintain that control. In the studio,
					at least, unlike the farm, the factory, and the mine, the unorganized worker is in
					superficial control and can, if s/he dares, talk down to or tell off the boss—the
					collector, the curator, etc. For years now, with little effect, it has been pointed
					out to artists that the art-world superstructure cannot run without them. Art, after
					all, is the product on which all the money is made and the power based.</p>
				<p> During the 1950s and 1960s most American artists were unaware that they did <emph>not</emph>
					control their art, that their art could be used not only for esthetic pleasure or
					decoration or status symbols, but also as an educational weapon. In the late 1960s,
					between the Black, the student, the anti-war and the women's movements, the facts of
					the exploitation of art in and out of the art world emerged. Most artists and
					artworkers still ignore these issues because they make us feel too uncomfortable and
					helpless. Yet if there were a strike against museums and galleries to allow
					artists control of their work, the scabs would be out immediately in full force,
					with reasons ranging from self-interest to total lack of political awareness to a
					genuine belief that society would crumble without art, that art is "above it all."
					Or is it in fact <emph>below</emph> it all, as most political activists seem to think?</p>	
				<p> Another aspect of this conflict surfaces in discussions around who gets a "piece
					of the pie"—a phrase which has become the scornful designation for what is
					actually most people's goal. (Why shouldn't artists be able to make a living in
					this society like everybody else? Well, <emph>almost</emph> <pb n="83" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_085.jpg"/> everybody else.)
					Those working for "cultural change" through political theorizing and occasional
					actions are opposed to <emph>anybody</emph> getting a piece of the pie, though politics
					appears to be getting fashionable again in the art world and may itself provide
					a vehicle for internal success; today one can refuse a piece of the pie and
					simultaneously be getting a chance at it. Still, the pie is very small and there
					are a lot of hungry people circling it. Things were bad enough when only men
					were allowed to take a bite. Since "aggressive women" have gotten in there too,
					competition, always at the heart of the art-world class system, has peaked.</p>
				<p> Attendance at any large art school in the U.S. takes students from all classes
					and trains them for artists' schizophrenia. While being cool and chicly grubby
					(in the "uniform" of mass production), and knowing what's the latest in taste
					and what's the kind of art to make and the right names to drop is clearly
					"upward mobility"—from school into teaching jobs and/or the art world—the
					lifestyle accompanying these habits is heavily weighted "downward." The working-class girl who has had to work for nice clothes must drop into frayed jeans to
					make it into the art middle class, which in turn considers itself both upper and
					lower class. Choosing poverty is a confusing experience for a child whose
					parents (or more likely mother) have tried desperately against great odds to
					keep a clean and pleasant home. <note type="researchNote"><title><emph>Class and Feminism</emph></title>,
						ed. <persName key="Charlotte Bunch" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5085869">Charlotte Bunch</persName> and <persName key="Nancy Myron" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q94280766">Nancy Myron</persName> (Baltimore, 1974). This book contains
						some excrutiating insights for the middle-class feminist; it raised my
						consciousness and inspired this essay (along with other recent experiences
						and conversations).</note> </p>

<p> The artist who feels superior to the rich because s/he is disguised as someone
					who is poor provides a puzzle for the truly deprived. A parallel notion, rarely
					admitted but pervasive, is that a person can't understand "art" if their house
					is full of pink glass swans or their lawn is inhabited by gnomes and flamingos,
					or if they even care about house and clothes at all. This is particularly
					ridiculous now, when art itself uses so much of this paraphernalia (and not
					always satirically); or, from another angle, when even artists who have no
					visible means of professional support live in palatial lofts and sport beat-up
					$100 boots while looking down on the "tourists" who come to
						SoHo to see art on Saturdays; SoHo is, in fact, the
					new suburbia. One reason for such callousness is a hangover from the 1950s, when
					artists really were poor and proud of being poor because their art, the argument
					went, must be good if the bad guys—the rich <emph>and</emph> the masses—didn't like
					it.</p>

<p>In the 1960s the choice of poverty, often excused as anti-consumerism, even
					infiltrated the esthetics of art.<note type="scholarNote">Actually nothing new; the history of modern art demonstrates a constant longing for the primitive, the simple, the clear, the "poor," the noble naif, etc.</note> First there was <rs key="pop art" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q134147">Pop Art</rs>, modeled on kitsch, on advertising and consumerism, and
					equally successful on its own level. (Women, incidentally, participated little
					in Pop
						Art, partly because of
					its blatant sexism, sometimes presented as a parody of the image of woman in the
					media—and partly because the subject matter was often "women's work," ennobled

and acceptable only when the artists were men.) Then came Process Art—a rebellion against the

"precious object" traditionally desired and bought by the rich. Here another
					kind of co-optation took place, when temporary piles of dirt, oil, rags and
					filthy rubber began to grace carpeted living rooms. The Italian branch was even
					called <emph>Arte Povera</emph>. Then came the rise of a third-stream medium called
					"conceptual art" which offered "anti-objects" in the form of ideas—books or
					simple xeroxed texts and photographs with no inherent physical or monetary value

(until they got on the market, that is). Conceptual art seemed politically viable because of

its notion that the use of ordinary, inexpensive, unbulky media would lead to a
					kind of socialization (or at least democratization) of art as opposed to
					gigantic canvases and huge chrome sculptures costing five figures and filling
					the world with more consumer fetishes.</p>
				<p> Yet the trip from oil on canvas to ideas on xerox was, in retrospect, yet another
					instance of "downward mobility" or middle-class guilt. It was no accident that
					conceptual art appeared at the height of the social movements of the late 1960s
					nor that the artists were sympathetic to those movements (with the qualified
					exception of the women's movement). All of the esthetic tendencies listed above
					were genuinely instigated as rebellions by the artists themselves, yet the fact
					remains that only rich people can afford to 1) spend money on art that won't
					last; 2) live with "ugly art" or art that is not decorative, because the rest of
					their surroundings are beautiful and comfortable; 3) like "non-object art" which
					is only handy if you already have too many possessions—when it becomes a
					reactionary commentary: art for the overprivileged in a consumer society.</p>
				<p> As a child, I was accused by my parents of being an "anti-snob snob" and I'm
					only beginning to see the limitations of such a rebellion. Years later I was an
					early supporter of and proselytizer for conceptual art as escape from the
					commodity orientation of the art world, a way of communicating with a broader
					audience via inexpensive media. Though I was bitterly disappointed (with the
					social, not the esthetic achievements) when I found that this work could be so
					easily absorbed into the system, it is only now that I've realized why the
					absorption took place. Conceptual art's democratic efforts and physical vehicles
					were cancelled out by its neutral, elitist content and its patronizing approach.
					From around 1967 to 1971, most of us involved in conceptual art saw that content
					as pretty revolutionary and thought of ourselves as rebels against the cool,
					hostile artifacts of the prevailing formalist and minimal art. But we were so
					totally enveloped in the middle-class approach to everything we did and saw, we
					couldn't perceive how that pseudo-academic narrative piece or that
					art-world-oriented action <pb n="84" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_086.jpg"/> in the streets was deprived of any
					revolutionary content by the fact that it was usually incomprehensible and
					alienating to the people "out there," no matter how fashionably downwardly
					mobile it might be in the art world. The idea that if art is subversive in the
					art world it will automatically appeal to a general audience now seems
					absurd. </p>
				<p> The whole evolutionary basis of modernist innovation, the idea of esthetic
					"progress," the "I-did-it-first" and "it's-been-done-already" syndromes which
					pervade contemporary avant garde art and criticism, are also blatantly classist, and
					have more to do with technology than with art. To be "avant-garde" is inevitably
					to be on top or to become upper-middle-class, because such innovations take
					place in a context accessible only to the educated elite. Thus socially
					conscious artists working in or with community groups and muralists try to
					disassociate themselves from the art world, even though its values ("quality")
					remain to haunt them personally.</p>
				<p> The value systems are different in and out of the art world, and anyone
					attempting to straddle the two develops another kind of schizophrenia. For

instance, in the inner-city community murals, as <persName key="Eva Cockcroft" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q106308202">Eva Cockcroft</persName>

points out elsewhere in this publication, the images of woman are the
					traditional ones—a beautiful, noble mother and housewife or worker, and a
					rebellious young woman striving to change her world—both of them celebrated for
					their courage to be and to stay the way they are and to support their men in the
					face of horrendous odds. This is not the art-world or middle-class "radical"
					view of future feminism, nor is it one which radical feminists hoping to "reach
					out" across the classes can easily espouse. Here, in the realm of aspirations,
					is where upward and downward mobility and status quo clash, where the economic
					class barriers are established. As <persName key="Russell, Michele D." ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/11163457050804813684/">Michele Russell</persName>
					has noted, <note type="researchNote">Michele Russell, "Woman and Third World,"

<title level="m">New American Movement</title> (June, 1973).</note> the Third-World woman is not attracted to the

"Utopian experimentation" of the left (in the art world, the would-be Marxist
						avant-garde) or to the
					"pragmatic opportunism" of the right (in the art world, those who reform and
					co-opt the "radicals").</p>
				<p> Many of the subjects touched on here come back to Taste. To a poor woman, art,
					or a beautiful object, might be defined as something she cannot have. Beauty and
					art have been defined before as <emph>the desirable</emph>. In a consumer society, art too
					becomes a commodity rather than a life-enhancing experience. Yet the <persName key="Vincent van Gogh" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5582">Van
						Gogh</persName> reproduction or the pink glass swan—the same beautiful
					objects that may be "below" a middleclass woman (because she has, in moving
					upward, acquired upper-class taste, or would like to think she has)—may be
					"above" or inaccessible to a welfare mother. The phrase "to dictate taste" has
					its own political connotations. A Minneapolis worker interviewed by students of
					artist <persName key="Don Celender" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q28873078">Don Celender</persName> said
					he liked "old art works because they're more classy," <note type="researchNote"><title level="m">Opinions of Working People Concerning the Arts</title>, ed. Don Celender (New York,
						1975)</note> and class does seem to be what the traditional notion of art is
					all about. Yet contemporary avant-garde art, for all its attempts to break out
					of that gold frame, is equally class-bound, and even the artist aware of these
					contradictions in her/his own life and work is hard-put to resolve them. It's a
					vicious circle. If the artist/producer is upper-middle-class, and our standards
					of art as taught in schools are persistently upper-middle-class, how do we
					escape making art only for the upper-middle-class?</p>
				<p> The alternatives to "quality," to the "high" art shown in art-world galleries
					and magazines have been few, and for the most part unsatisfying, although
					well-intended. Even when kitsch,
					politics or housework are absorbed into art, contact with the real world is not
					necessarily made. At no time has the avant garde, though playing in the famous
					"gap between art and life," moved far enough out of the art context to attract a
					broad audience—that audience which has, ironically, been trained to think of art
					as something that has nothing to do with life and, at the same time, tends only
					to like that art which means something in terms of its own life, or fantasies.
					The dilemma for the leftist artist in the middle class is that her/his standards
					seem to have been set irremediably. No matter how much we know about what the
					broader public wants, or needs, it is very difficult to break social
					conditioning and cultural habits. Hopefully, a truly feminist art will provide
					other standards.</p>
				<p> To understand the woman artist's position in this complex situation between the
					art world and the real world, class and gender, it is necessary to know that in
					America artists are rarely respected unless they are stars or rich or mad or
					dead. Being an artist is not being "somebody." Middle-class families are happy
					to pay lip service to art but god forbid their own children take it so seriously
					as to consider it a profession. Thus a man who becomes an artist is asked when
					he is going to "go to work," and he is not-so-covertly considered a child, a
					sissy (a woman), someone who has a hobby rather than a vocation, someone who
					can't make money and therefore cannot hold his head up in the real world of
					men—at least until his work sells, at which point he may be welcomed back. Male
					artists, bending over backward to rid themselves of this stigma, tend to be
					particularly susceptible to insecurity and <emph>machismo</emph>. So women daring to insist
					on their place in the primary rank—as art makers rather than as art housekeepers
					(curators, critics, dealers, "patrons")—inherit a heavy burden of male fears in
					addition to the economic and psychological <pb n="85" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_087.jpg"/> discrimination still
					rampant in a patriarchal, money-oriented society.</p>
				<p> Most art being shown now has little to do with any woman's experience, in part
					because women—rich ones as "patrons," others as decorators and "home-makers"—are in charge of the private sphere, while men identify more easily with public
					art—art that has become public through economic validation (the million-dollar

<persName key="Rembrandt" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q5598" cert="high" type="real">Rembrandt</persName>). Private art is often seen as mere ornament; public art is associated with monuments and

money, with "high" art and its containers, including unwelcoming whitewalled
					galleries and museums with classical courthouse architecture. Even the graffiti
						artists, whose work was
					unsuccessfully transferred from subways to art galleries, were all men,
					concerned with facades, with having their names in spray paint, in lights, in
					museums...</p>
				<p> Private art is visible only to intimates. I suspect the reason so few women

"folk" artists work outdoors in

large scale (like <persName key="Simon Rodia" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1119723">Simon Rodia</persName>'s <title>Watts Towers</title> and
					other "naives and visionaries" with their cement and bottles) is not only
					because men aspire to erections and know how to use the necessary tools, but
					because women can and must assuage these same creative urges inside the house,
					with the pink glass swan as an element in their own works of art the living room
					or kitchen. In the art world the situation is doubly paralleled. Women's art
					until recently was rarely seen in public and all artists are voluntarily "women"
					because of the social attitudes mentioned above; the art world is so small that
					it is "private."</p>
				<p> Just as the living room is enclosed by the building it is in, art and artist are
					firmly imprisoned by the culture which supports them. Artists claiming to work
					for themselves alone, and not for any audience at all, are passively accepting
					the upper-middle class audience of the internal art world. This is compounded by
					the fact that to be middle-class is to be passive, to live with the expectation
					of being taken care of and entertained. But art should be a
					consciousness-raiser; it partakes of and should fuse the private and the public
					spheres. It should be able to reintegrate the personal without being satisfied
					by the merely personal. One good test is whether or not it communicates, and
					then, of course, what and how it communicates. If it doesn't communicate it may
					just not be very good art from anyone's point of view; or it may be that the
					artist is not even aware of the needs of others, or simply doesn't care.</p>
				<p> For there is a need out there, a need vaguely satisfied at the moment by
						"schlock." <note type="researchNote"><persName key="Bernard Kirschenbaum" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q10428700">Bernard Kirschenbaum</persName>, in correspondence.
						Celender, op. cit., offers proof of this need and of the huge (and amazing)
						interest in art expressed by the working class, though it should be said
						that much of what is called art would not be agreed upon by the taste
						dictators.</note> And it seems that one of the basic tenets of the feminist
					arts should be a reaching out from the private sphere to transform that
					"artificial art" and to more fully satisfy that need. For the art-world artist
					has come to consider her/his private needs paramount, and has too often
					forgotten about those of the audience, any audience. Work that communicates to a
					dangerous number of people is derogatorily called a "crowd pleaser." This is a
					blatantly classist attitude, taking for granted that most people are by nature
					incapable of understanding good art (ie., upper-class or quality art). At the
					same time, much ado is made about art-educational theories that claim to "teach
					people to see" (consider the political implications of this notion) and muffle
					all issues by stressing the "universality" of great art.</p>
				<p> It may be that at the moment the possibilities are slim for a middle-class art
					world's understanding or criticism of the little art we see that reflects
					working-class cultural values. Perhaps our current responsibility lies in
					humanizing our own activities so that they will communicate more effectively
					with all women. Hopefully we will aspire to more than women's art flooding the
					museum and gallery circuit. Perhaps a feminist art will only emerge when we
					become wholly responsible for our own work, for what becomes of it, who sees it,
					and who is nourished by it. For a feminist artist, whatever her style, the prime
					audience at this time is other women. So far, we have tended to be satisfied
					with communicating with those women whose social experience is close to ours.
					This is natural enough, since this is where we will get our greatest support,
					and we need support in taking this risk of trying to <emph>please</emph> women, knowing that
					we are almost certain to displease men in the process. In addition, it is

embarrassing to talk openly about the class system which divides us, hard to do so

without sounding more bourgeois than ever in the implications of superiority and
					inferiority inherent in such discussions (where the working class is as often
					considered superior as the middle class).</p>
				<p> A book of essays called <title level="m">Class and Feminism</title> written by
						The Furies, a lesbian feminist collective, makes clear
					that from the point of view of working-class women, class is a definite problem
					within the women's movement. As <persName key="Myron, Nancy, 1943-" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/79318339/">Nancy Myron</persName> observes,
					middle-class women:</p> <quote>can intellectualize, politicize, accuse, abuse and
						contribute money in order not to deal with their own classism. Even if they
						admit that class exists, they are not likely to admit that their behavior is
						a product of it. They will go through every painful detail of their lives to
						prove to me or another working-class woman that they really didn't have any
						privilege, that their family was exceptional, that they actually did have an
						uncle who worked in a factory. To ease anyone's guilt is not the point of
						talking about class... You don't get rid of oppression just by talking about
						it.</quote>

<pb n="86" facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_088.jpg"/>
				<p>Women are more strenuously conditioned toward upward cultural mobility or
					"gentility" than men, which often results in the woman consciously betraying her
					class origins as a matter of course. The hierarchies within the whole span of
					the middle class are most easily demarcated by lifestyle and dress. For
					instance, the much-scorned "Queens housewife" may have enough to eat, may have
					learned to consume the unnecessities, and may have made it to a desired social
					bracket in her community, but if she ventures to make art (not just own it), she
					will find herself back at the bottom in the art world, looking wistfully up to
					the plateau where the male, the young, the bejeaned seem so at ease.</p>
				<p> For middle-class women in the art world not only dress "down," but dress like
					working-class <emph>men</emph>. They do so because housedresses, pedal pushers, polyester
					pantsuits, perrnanents, the wrong accents are not such acceptable disguises for
					women as the boots, overalls and win breaker syndromes are for men. Thus young
					middle-class women tend to deny their female counterparts and take on "male"
					(unisex) attire. It may at times have been chic to dress like a native
						American or a Bedouin
						woman, but it has never
					been chic to dress like a working class woman, even if she's trying to look like
						<persName key="Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q165421">Jackie Kennedy</persName>.
					Young working-class women (and men) spend a large amount of avallable money on
					clothes; it's a way to forget the rats and roaches by which even the cleanest
					tenement-dwellers are blessed, or the mortgages by which even the
					hardest-working homeowners are blessed, and to present a classy facade. Artists
					dressing and talking "down" insult the hardhat much as rich kids in rags do;
					they insult people whose notion of art is something to work for-the pink glass
					swan.</p>
				<p> Yet women, as evidenced by the Furies' publication, and as pointed out elsewhere
					(most notably by <persName key="August Bebel" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q76520" cert="high" type="real">Bebel</persName>), have a unique chance to
					communicate with women across the boundaries of economic class because as a
					"vertical class" we share the majority of our most fundamental
					experiences—emotionally, even when economically we are divided. Thus an economic
					analysis does not adequately explore the psychological and esthetic
					ramifications of the need for change within a sexually oppressed group. Nor does
					it take into consideration that women's needs are different from men's—or so it
					seems at this still unequal point in history. The vertical class cuts across the
					horizontal economic classes in a column of injustices. While heightened class
					consciousness can only clarify the way we see the world, and all clarification
					is for the better, I can't bring myself to trust hard lines and categories where
					fledgling feminism is concerned.</p>
				<p> Even in the art world, the issue of feminism has barely been raised in mixed
					political groups. In 1970, women took our rage and our energies to our own
					organizations, or directly to the public by means of picketing and protests.
					While a few men supported these, and most politically conscious male artists now
					claim to be feminists to some degree, the political <emph>and</emph> apolitical art world
					goes on as though feminism didn't exist—the presence of a few vociferous
					feminist artists and critics not withstanding. And in the art world, as in the
					real world, political commitment frequently means total disregard for feminist
					priorities. Even the increasingly Marxist group ironically calling itself
						Art-Language is unwilling to stop the exclusive use of
					the male pronoun in its theoretical publications. <note type="researchNote">This
						despite their publication of and apparent endorsement of <persName key="Carolee Schneemann" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q299662">Carolee
						Schneemann</persName>'s "The Prounoun Tyranny" in the Fox, 3(1976)</note></p>

<p> Experiences like this one and dissatisfaction with Marxism's lack of interest in "the woman
					question" make me wary of merging Marxism and feminism. The notion of the
					non-economic or "vertical" class is anathema to Marxists and confusion is
					rampant around the chicken-egg question of whether women can be equal before
					the establishment of a classless society or whether a classless society can be
					established before women are liberated. As <persName key="Sheila Rowbotham" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q432851">Sheila Rowbotham</persName>
					says of her own Marxism and feminism:</p> 
				<quote>They are at once incompatible and
						in real need of one another. As a feminist and a Marxist I carry their
						contradictions within me and it is tempting to opt for one or the other in
						an effort to produce a tidy resolution of the commotion generated by the
						antagonism between them. But to do that would mean evading the social
						reality which gives rise to the antagonism. <note type="researchNote">Sheila
							Rowbotham, Women: Resistance and Revolution (London,
						1972).</note></quote>
				<p>As women, therefore, we need to establish far more strongly our own sense of
					community, so that all our arts will be enjoyed by all women in all economic
					circumstances. This will happen only when women artists make conscious efforts to cross class barriers, to consider their audience, to see, respect, work
					with the women who create outside the art world—whether in suburban crafts
					guilds or in offices and factories or in community workshops. The current
					feminist passion for women's traditional arts, which influences a great many
					women artists, should make this road much easier, undess it too becomes
					another commercialized rip-off. Despite the very real class obstacles, I feel
					strongly that women are in a privileged position to satisfy the goal of an art
					which would communicate the needs of all classes and sexes to each other, and
					get rid ofthe we/they dichotomy to as great an extent as is possible in a
					capitalist framework. Our sex, our oppression and our female experience—our
					female culture, just being explored—offer access to all of us by these common
					threads.</p>
			</div>
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		<back>
			<p>Lucy R. Lippard is a feminist art critic, writes fiction too, and has been active
				politically. She is co-founder of several women artists' groups and has published 10
				books on contemporary art, the two most recent ones being <title level="m">From the Center: Feminist Essays on Women's Art</title> (E.P. Dutton) and <title level="m">Eva Hesse</title> (N.Y.U. Press).</p>
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		<body>
			<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_056.jpg"/>

<div><head><title>ABCS</title></head>
			<byline><persName><persName key="Susan Yankowitz" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q19517707" cert="high" type="real">Susan Yankowitz</persName></persName></byline></div>

<div type="letter" n="a">
				<head>AN APPLE</head>
				<p>Manuelo Manchik admires the apple before devouring it. He cups the thing in the
					palm of his hand, turning it this way and that; the light bounces off the curves
					of its golden skin. O golden delicious, you make a mouth water! The fruit is
					round and firm and fully packed; unlike the mealy banana, it will resist his
					teeth just a little. Again his mouth waters as he delays the coming pleasure. He
					cups the thing in the palm of one hand, stroking it with the other; it is smooth
					and cool beneath his fingers. O golden delicious, you do tempt a man! Yes there
					is no doubt, you were made to be eaten. He opens his mouth wide and chomps
					through to the core in a single bite. Two black seeds slither in a rill of juice
					down his chin.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="b">
				<head>BREASTS</head>
				<p>At a gathering of talents, artistic and profane, MM had spotted across the
					crowded room his own dreamed-of Olympia, half-reclining on a fat settee. The
					exquisite naturalness of her <persName key="Édouard Manet" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q40599" cert="high" type="real">Manet</persName> pose enchanted him no less than her near
					nudity. Under her see-through blouse her breasts were classic. O wonder. O no
					wonder that they pushed out the silk (or was it cheap nylon?) of her blouse
					exactly like breasts; that to exploring hands (at other hours of course for now
					she was half-reclining naturally alone) they were as round and firm and full as
					round firm full breasts; and that the nipples which tipped these breasts
					resembled nothing so much as the nipples which tip such breasts. In short and in
					sum, her breasts were truly like breasts. But MM had no interest in the obvious.
					He was a man of imagination, of poetry even. The excesses of similitude
					multiplied by their exact number his pleasures. He saw what he saw: Olympia with
					breasts which were breasts and at the same time various other roundnesses not
					breasts. And roundness was all, preferable even to that commonplace of
					literature, ripeness. Only one fact was crucial and he had ascertained it,
					subtly brushing his fingers against her shoulders: she was not made of wax. So
					when MM opened his mouth wide one night days later and bit with gusto into the
					breast on the left, that same breast bled. Damn, he had erred in his
					distinctions! But Manuelo Manchik was not a man to hang fire. With a gesture of
					magnificent unconcern, he wiped his chin and continued eating.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="c">
				<head>CHYME</head>
				<p>Olympia had accepted that name, accepted too the play of tongue and teeth,
					accepted even the discomfort of her body crushed beneath him when poing! she was
					punctured. Too late to cry foul! she fell, undone by mastication. Softened by
					saliva she travelled in mouthfuls through his gullet and into the fat sac of his
					stomach. There she lodges, divided against herself. </p><p>Fool, she chides herself, to
					have come to chyme!</p>
				<p>Her head is separated from her body. Her legs, each in one long piece, are
					severed from her crotch and from each other, Her two loose breasts bounce from
					wall to wall, free-floating, as his stomach contracts and dilates in digestion. Pressed against the locked pyloric door she is grateful at least that she
					will not be further fractured by the cleaving peristaltic actions of his
					intestine. There is no disguising the situation: she is split, sundered, she is
					not in one piece. If she does not want to sour in his belly (and why would she
					desire such a fate?) she must somehow (but how?) reverse the process herself.
					But herself is not. From deep inside Manuelo's stomach, she surveys the chaos of
					her members and thinks: I must pull myself together! </p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="d">
				<head>DREAM?</head>
				<p>Maybe it's all a dream, she reasons reasonably enough, and when I wake up I'll
					find myself me again, just me, no one's Olympia, in toto. And so she falls to
					sleep so she can fall awake. This is the dream she finds: she is standing in
					water being fucked in the ass by the shameless beak of a crane. His long legs
					pinion her hips. He wades and fishes, taking his time. It hurts. What can she do
					but submit? Her name is not Leda; the power is all his.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="e">
				<head>ESCAPE</head>
				<p>She wakes up gagging with her left foot in her mouth. No use sucking on the toes,
					they're not sour balls, they won't dissolve or sweeten her palate. Her mouth is
					dry with sleep and anxiety; she could have suffocated during that nighttime
					shift. There is no escaping the fact now: she must escape! But how? She wags her
					head a few times to float the foot free as she ponders the ins and outs. The
					nearest exit is the rear. Can she deliver herself through there? MM is <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_057.jpg"/> notoriously tight-assed. She experiments, jamming her foot in the
					door; MM jumps. Assured of the flexibility of that aperture, she glances upward
					to the other hole, further away but far less foul. Keeping her foot wedged in
					the crack she sticks a finger up his throat; MM gags. Both routes are open to
					her. Which out should she take?</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="f">
				<head>FLATULENCE</head>
				<p>MM ejects a fart and holds his nose in indignation. The cream of the art world
					thins around him. Many noses are held. How could she, the bitch, upset him so?
					He excuses himself gracefully from the room, leaving his smell behind. Is he
					stuck with her forever? Must he pay with his immaculate reputation for one
					night's overindulgence? O she is lodged there in his gut, forcing him to take
					strong measures.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="g">
				<head>GLUTTONY</head>
				<p>"I'd like to eat you up," he had said. She had been enthusiastic. Whose sin was
					it then? Definitely food for thought, his and hers.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="h">
				<head>HIS AND HERS</head>
				<p>HIS: She tempted me. <lb/> HERS: He ate.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="i">
				<head>INDIGESTION</head>
				<p>"I'm carrying her around. She weighs me down. Really, I'm not a free man
					anymore," Manuelo confided to his friend the doctor, picking his teeth with an
					indigestible sliver of fingernail. "You must get her out of your system,"
					replied the learned doc. "May I prescribe a laxative?" </p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="j">
				<head>JUSTICE MORE OR LESS POETIC</head>
				<p>She hadn't cared who drove into her. He had had a full set. It was good sport
					yes. And what a ball! He had swung hard, lifted high and, rimming the cup first
					with a brilliant display of control, had dropped right in: hole in one, Manuelo
					Manchik was not the sort to putter around. Well, neither was she.</p>
				<p>"You're a real swinger," he complimented her.</p>
				<p>"Just par for the course," she replied, refering of course to her life.</p>
				<p>Now she was teed-off, finding herself in the trap. O she had been green in those
					green days, but she would lie in the roughage no longer. With a method to her
					madness she slices into his intestine with her teeth. MM howls then doubles
					over, squeezing her (according to plan) more closely together; his cramp adheres
					her. When he straightens up she delights to see the connections: her legs
					secured to her groin and her groin to her torso, o classic <persName key="Venus" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q47652">venus</persName> though still
					not Olympia for her breasts and arms are still somewhere adrift. And her head,
					that obstinate be-bumped ball, is lying slightly offcourse, planning the next
					shot. </p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="k">
				<head>KIDDING</head>
				<p>When she reached twenty-five, her psychiatrist had said (though gently): "All
					kidding aside, my dear, you are no longer a child prodigy." </p><p>She had run home
					crying to her mother, blurting the tragic news. "So? What are you going to do
					with yourself?" mother had asked, heart-to-heart.</p>
				<p>"I gotta grow up sometime, ma. He's right. So here's what: I'm gonna have a
					baby!" </p><p>"What? What?" disbelieving ma had hollered, flinging her daughter from
					her sacked-out breast. "I'm going to have a bastard?" "No, ma, no," she calmed
					her mother. "<emph>I'm</emph> gonna have the bastard."</p>
				<p>The child was born crying and one gulp of air later, died. The bereaved not yet a
					mother invited her psychiatrist to the funeral and told him then and there that
					they were quits. That was how he would remember her: standing gravely at the
					grave, dressed all in black, a grown-up color.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="l">
				<head>LIKE</head>
				<p>"I like you," MM had said (as had others), thinking to flatter.</p>
				<p>"No you're not," she retorted almost at once, angry almost. "You're not like me
					at all."</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="m">
				<head>MILK OF MAGNESIA</head>
				<p>He takes the prescribed dosage and waits.</p>
			</div>
			<div type="letter" n="n">
				<head>NO ANSWERS</head>
				<p>In the park, Abigale is lying on her belly, waiting as pre-arranged for her best
					friend, the putative Olympia. She pokes with a spring twig at the underside of a
					caterpillar, trying to hurry it out of its skin.</p>
				<p>"Where are your wings, caterpillar?" she asks.</p>
				<p>"And where was I before I was born?"</p>
				<p>"And where, sky, do you get off, looking down on me?"</p>
				<p>Everything is mute. The silence is its own question.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="o">
				<head>OSCILLATIONS</head>
				<p>Suddenly everything starts churning. Using all anchored organs for ballast, she
					holds herself together; he will not shake her up, will not fragment her. His
					belly bloats with gases, goes into a rumble. So! He is trying to purge himself
					by purging her. The rejection infuriates her. She will come out when she is good
					and ready, and she will use the exit of her choice. Tough shit, Manuelo! She
					braces herself against his spasms.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="p">
				<head>P'S &amp; Q'S</head>
				<p>"Mind them!" her mother had warned. But what were they? She had learned the
					alphabet thoroughly but the deeper meanings of p's and q's had eluded her. If
					she had gone further in her study of letters, would she have led a simpler
					life?</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="r">
				<head>REFLECTION</head>
				<p>MM strains.</p>
				<p>O resists.</p>
				<p>The battle is in earnest. Some old words rise to the occasion. "The man who hates
					you and the woman who is hated are probably one and the same," her psychiatrist
					had suggested, maddening her (at the time) into silence.</p>
				<p>Was he speaking of suicide?</p>
				<p>Hers?</p>
				<p>The thought sobers her and sheds light. After all, it is almost spring out there.
					The crocuses are already beginning their day-open night-close ritual. She could
					if she chose walk outside without a coat, breathing sunlight. Someone, also
					without a coat, might be coming round the corner, fated to bump chests with her.
					Her mind too, she realizes, can turn corners. And certainly Abigale, her old
					friend, must be waiting for her in the park this very moment.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="s">
				<head>SURE IS</head>
				<p>His stomach is storming around her with a vengeance. She holds on for dear life.
					O yes, it is so so dear, good old life. It is indeed of the essence, hers in
					particular. Her imagination has never yet failed her. She will live! Out of the
					darkness, the closet, the belly of this male whale. The way is lighted by divine
					coincidence as MM opens his mouth widely to expel a belch. The light rays down
					his throat, a sign. Her route has been decided. Really, there are possibilities
					in everything, even a belch, she concludes.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="t">
				<head>TRANSLATION (AFTER <persName key="Rainer Maria Rilke" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q76483">RILKE</persName>)</head>
				<p>Manuelo has thrown caution to the winds. "Do something," he pleads. "I need
					help."</p>
				<p>"Yes," agrees the doctor, "you must change your life."</p>
				<p>O but it hurts! His eyes are blind with tears.</p>
				<p>Manuelo weeps with the effort to restrain them.</p>
			</div>

<div type="letter" n="u">
				<head>UNITED SHE CAN</head>
				<p>He falls back into his chair, trying to relax, inadvertently giving her the room
					she needs to maneuver. She holds herself snugly in her own arms; they mate with
					their respective sockets, home at last. Now able to manipulate with her hands,
					the rest is easy. She catches her drifting breasts and fixes them onto her
					chest. She knows which is which, having observed in moments of self-criticism
					that the left is slightly larger than the right. It occurs to her at this
					juncture that nature is purposive in all plans. Nothing is very much like
					anything else, each thing is essentially itself and under no compulsion to be
					other. Goodbye then, Manuelo's Olympia! Goodbye velvet settee and languid pose!
					MM's ass presses down into the seat, squeezing her upward. Her body rises toward
					her head and miraculously naturally unites with it. He cannot keep her down. He
					does not want to. She is on her way.</p>
			</div>
			<div type="letter" n="v">
				<head>VOYAGING</head>
				<p>Still afraid that she will fall apart — these connections are so tenuous, so
					untested — she kicks her feet, gingerly at first, then with increasing vigor as
					she finds to her elation that they will move her. She paddles upward toward his
					heart. O the current there is strong; she struggles bravely; she falters, sucked
					into its vortex; she kicks, she flails and manages, through stratagems newly
					known to science, to bypass the whole throbbing mass. The worst is over. She
					catches her breath at his lungs and then, with a great final spurt, dives
					through his esophagus.</p>

</div>
			<div type="letter" n="w">
				<head>WHOOPS!</head>
				<p>She spills out of his mouth.</p>
				<p>"Hi, Manuelo."</p>
				<p>"Olympia!"</p>
				<p>They stand gaping at each other, both of them messy with blood and other slime.
					She sets him straight at once. "My real name's Claire. Can I take a shower?"</p>
			</div>

<pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue01/images/01_059.jpg"/>
			<div type="letter" n="x">
				<head>x =</head>
				<p>Claire, not Olympia then. He looks at her in this new light as he scrubs her
					back. How could he not have noticed those pimples on her shoulders? Perhaps that
					is why he was unable to stomach her. But no, no, the mystery is more than skin
					deep.</p>
				<p>"Scrub harder, Manuelo."</p>
				<p>He does, marveling at the dead skin which peels off, flake by flake. How many
					layers are there? He stares into the skin, lost in ponderings beneath the
					surface and then, with a wild cry of exultation, realizes that he has found his
					calling. Dermatology will teach him the topography of the flesh. Through that
					mundane profession he will explore the twin mysteries of desire and disgust.</p>
				<p>"You're breaking the skin again!" shouts Claire.</p>
				<p>"Enough!"</p>
			</div>
			<div type="letter" n="y">
				<head>YOU</head>
				<p>"You have helped me to find myself," they admit simultaneously and, with a tender
					embrace, part forever.</p>
			</div>
			<div type="letter" n="z">
				<head>ZOON</head>
				<p>Shining in the sunlight which is shining too, she runs to the park. Abigale is
					asleep; a caterpillar is making a moustache on her upper lip. Claire picks it
					off and tosses it carelessly into the grass. It slithers away as Abigale
					wakes.</p>
				<p>"Where have you been?" drowsy A asks. Claire hesitates. What words could convey
					the absurdity, the enormity of her adventure? An attempt is necessary. She
					begins to stammer a reply but her stomach, miraculously to the rescue, speaks
					first: loudly it rumbles, fiercely it growls. Both women laugh. The noise
					suffices for response.</p>
				<p>Claire stretches out her hands to Abigale and, with a little tug, pulles her to
					her feet.</p>
				<p>"It's time for another beginning," Claire says.</p>
				<p>"It always was," Abigale grins.</p>
				<p>And off they go, old friends hand in hand, in search of apples.</p>
			</div>
		</body>

<back>
			<div><p>Susan Yankowitz's first novel, <title ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/167148269718005230000">Silent Witness</title>, was published by Knopf
				in May. Her play, <title>Still Life</title>, will be produced in January at the
				Women's Interarts Theatre, and her published plays include <title ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/5179165271898210690008">Slaughterhouse
					Play</title>, <title><title>Terminal</title></title>, <title>Boxes</title>, and <title>The
					Prison Game</title>, among others.</p></div>
		</back>

</text>
</TEI>

Wages for Housework

</text>
</TEI>

What Is Left?

<lg>
				<l>AFTER THE BARS AND THE GATES AND THE DEGRADATION</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>AFTER THE LOCK INS AND THE LOCK OUTS AND THE LOCK UPS</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I MEAN, AFTER THE CHAINS THAT GET ENTANGLED IN THE GREY OF ONE'S MATTER</l>
				<l>AFTER THE BARS THAT GET STUCK IN THE HEARTS OF MEN AND WOMEN</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>AFTER THE TEARS AND DISAPPOINTMENTS</l>
				<l>AFTER THE LONELY ISOLATION</l>
				<l>AFTER THE CUT WRIST AND THE HEAVY NOOSE</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I MEAN, LIKE, AFTER THE COMMISSARY KISSES</l>
				<l>AND THE GET-YOUR-SHIT-OFF-BLUES</l>
				<l>AFTER THE HUSTLER HAS BEEN HUSTLED</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>AFTER THE SAD FUTILE MANEUVERS</l>
				<l>AFTER THE SHRILL AND BARREN LAUGHTER</l>
				<l>AFTER THE CONTRABAND EMOTIONS</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>AFTER THE MURDERBURGERS AND THE COON SQUADS AND THE TEAR GAS</l>
				<l>AFTER THE BULLS AND THE BULLPENS AND THE BULLSHIT</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I MEAN LIKE, AFTER YOU KNOW THAT GOD CANT BE TRUSTED</l>
				<l>AFTER YOU KNOW THAT THE SHRINK IS A PUSHER</l>
				<l>THAT THE WORD IS A WHIP, AND THE BADGE IS A BULLET</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>AFTER YOU KNOW THAT THE DEAD ARE STILL WALKING</l>
				<l>AFTER YOU REALIZE THAT SILENCE IS TALKING</l>
				<l>THAT OUTSIDE AND INSIDE ARE JUST AN ILLUSION</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I MEAN, LIKE, WHERE IS THE SUN?</l>
				<l>WHERE ARE HER ARMS AND WHERE ARE HER KISSES?</l>
				<l>THERE ARE LIP PRINTS ON MY PILLOW</l>
				<l>I AM SEARCHING</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I MEAN, LIKE, NOTHING IS STANDSTILL AND NOTHING IS ABSTRACT</l>
				<l>THE WING OF A BUTTERFLY CANT TAKE FLIGHT</l>
				<l>THE FOOT ON MY NECK IS A PART OF A BODY</l>
				<l>THE SONG THAT I SING IS A PART OF AN ECHO</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I MEAN, LIKE, LOVE IS SPECIFIC</l>
				<l>IS MY MIND A MACHINE GUN?</l>
				<l>IS MY HEART A HACKSAW?</l>
				<l>CAN I MAKE FREEDOM REAL? YEAH,</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
				<l>I AM AT THE TOP AND BOTTOM OF A LOWER-ARCHY</l>
				<l>I AM IN LOVE WITH LOSERS AND LAUGHTER</l>
				<l>I AM IN LOVE WITH FREEDOM AND CHILDREN</l>
				<l>LOVE IS MY SWORD AND TRUTH IS MY COMPASS</l>
				<l>WHAT IS LEFT?</l>
			</lg>

</body>
		<back>
			<p>Assata Shakur/<persName key="Assata Shakur" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q467961">Joanne Chesimard</persName>; courtesy of Assata Shakur Defense Committee.</p>
		</back>
	</text>
</TEI>

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