Document <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-model href="http://www.tei-c.org/release/xml/tei/custom/schema/relaxng/tei_all.rng" type="application/xml" schematypens="http://relaxng.org/ns/structure/1.0"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/css" href="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/CSS/heresies_cwrc.css"?><TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#"> <teiHeader> <fileDesc> <titleStmt> <title>TITLE</title> <author>AUTHOR</author> <respStmt> <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName> <resp>Editor (2021- Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lyndon Beier</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Mia DeRoco</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName> <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Olivia Martin</persName> <resp>Editor, encoder (2021)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Zoha Nadeer</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Bri Perea</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-23)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Carrie Pirmann</persName> <resp>HTR editor, encoder (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Ricky Rodriguez</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Roger Rothman</persName> <resp>Investigator, editor</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maggie Smith</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName> <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Lucy Wadswoth</persName> <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <respStmt> <persName>Anna Marie Wingard</persName> <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp> </respStmt> <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder> <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder> <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder> <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder> </titleStmt> <publicationStmt> <distributor> <name>Bucknell University</name> <address> <street>One Dent Drive</street> <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement> <region>Pennsylvania</region> <postCode>17837</postCode> </address> </distributor> <availability> <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence> <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence> </availability> </publicationStmt> <sourceDesc> <biblStruct> <analytic> <title>[ISSUE TITLE]</title> </analytic> <monogr> <imprint> <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher> <pubPlace> <address> <name>Heresies</name> <postBox>P.O. 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"dc:format": "text/xml" }, "oa:renderedVia": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.4.0" }, "oa:hasSelector": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu/sites/default/files/2023-12/wood_emmons_Moser.xml?note_annotation_20240413174939110#Selector", "@type": "oa:XPathSelector", "rdf:value": "TEI/text/body/div[3]/p/note" } }, "oa:hasBody": { "@type": "cwrc:NoteScholarly", "dc:format": "text/plain", "rdf:value": "John Irwin,\n Textiles and Ornaments of India (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1956), p.\n 29" }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.4.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> <rdf:Description rdf:datatype="http://www.w3.org/TR/json-ld/"> <![CDATA[{ "@context": { "dcterms:created": { "@type": "xsd:dateTime", "@id": "dcterms:created" }, "dcterms:issued": { 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“The Hand and the Heart,” MARG (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1969), p.\n 6." }, "as:generator": { "@id": "https://leaf.bucknell.edu", "@type": "as:Application", "rdfs:label": "LEAF-Writer", "schema:url": "https://leaf-writer.lincsproject.ca/", "schema:softwareVersion": "3.4.0" } }]]> </rdf:Description> </rdf:RDF></xenoData></teiHeader> <text> <body> <div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_106.jpg" n="103" xml:id="img_0106"/> <head><title>Women's Art in Village India</title></head> <p> In discussing the articles we received on different aspects of women and their art in village <placeName key="India" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q668">India</placeName>, we noticed a recurring theme: artmaking in India is in a state of flux. Colonization, industrialization and the impingement of the world market have influenced choices of material, means of production, the meaning of ritual content, the relationship between artist and consumer and the status of the artist in society. Women's traditional arts such as embroidery and ritual painting on walls and ground, themselves often affected by such changes, co-exist with nontraditional forms such as painting on paper produced specifically for the market. Nontraditional paintings by women from <placeName key="Mithila" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q2891737">Mithila</placeName> have received recent attention through articles, a book and exhibitions in India and <placeName key="Europe" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q46">Europe</placeName>.</p> <p>As we discussed the articles submitted to us, a dilemma became apparent since two distinct interpretations of the meaning of Mithila paintings in terms of ritual content and social significance emerged. It seemed to us that we were seeing a demonstration of ways in which feminist analyses develop and some of the problems in making an accurate woman-centered description. <persName key="Véquaud, Yves" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/2154154387205430970003/">Véquaud</persName> and <persName key="Renate Stendhal" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q13563053">Stendhal</persName> <note>Yves Véquaud, Women Artists of Mithila (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977); Renate Stendhal, “Ein Volk von Malerinnen” (“A Nation of Women Artists”), Emma, No. 6 (June 1977), pp. 50-53. Thanks to Tobe Levin for her translation of this article.</note> connected the Maithil<note>2Maithil is the adjective form of Mithila. ”Personal communication, Tamara Wasserman—E. W.</note> women to a tradition of independent women artists who perpetuated ancient matriarchal customs. We were attracted to their picture of Maithil women as "a nation of women artists." But as editors we felt that this analysis, in the light of fieldwork observations by feminist sociologists, did not adequately reflect the extremely circumscribed life typical of women in village India. We noted, moreover, that the traditional painters of Mithila were women of the upper caste, the caste which most strictly requires seclusion of women and absolute obedience to men.</p> <p>On the other hand, the sociological writers tended not to emphasize some of the strengths of women, even in this extremely segregated (sex and caste) society. Women developed their creativity, forming women's art traditions outside of male control. Most prized by the women themselves is the work derived from weaving raffia or embroidering cloth. Paintings exist in a category other than art; they are sacred acts in themselves. But they are exclusively women's work—and there lies their interest to us, as we search for examples of traditional women's art, their designs, materials and techniques.</p> <p>Why a connection was made to matriarchal traditions becomes clearer if we note that in southern India, at least, the ritual wall and ground paintings are made in honor of the goddess <persName key="Lakshmi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q131443">Lakshmi</persName>, who is throughout Hindu India a patron goddess of women. Thus the paintings reinforce female concerns and a sense of female community. However, this is the sense of community that occurs when one group is systematically oppressed. A visually rich and religiously meaningful woman's art exists. But this does not deny, to our dismay, the real exclusion of women of Mithila, as of other areas of India, from full control of their lives. —The Editors</p> </div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_107.jpg" n="104" xml:id="img_0107"/> <div> <head><title>WOMEN OF INDIA</title></head> <byline><persName>Sharon Wood</persName></byline> <p> Despite the complex and heterogeneous nature of Indian society, there are certain consistent attitudes and values. Such is the case with the status of women: their positions relative to men and to other women, and the practical effects of prevailing attitudes on their lives.</p> <p>The following description of the roles open to the majority of women is based on my own observations and written sources, Four-fifths of the population are caste <orgName key="Hindu" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q10090">Hindus</orgName>, and unless otherwise indicated, I am referring to caste Hindu women. The family, not the individual, is the primary economic and social unit in India. A joint family, where married sons, their wives, unmarried daughters and parents live together, is the Indian ideal. Most women's lives are spent within the family court yard while men circulate between home, fields, markets, villages and cities. Home is where children first learn to perpetuate the subordination of women.</p> <p>Inferior status is more evident in <placeName key="North India" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1058785">North India</placeName> where many women still practice a modified form of <orgName key="purdah" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1074672">Purdah</orgName>, seclusion at home and covering one's face in the presence of most men. Purdah became popular during the Muslim rule (approximately 1200-1700) and was practiced among royal and upper-class women. Centuries of foreign invaders attacked the North, but prior to the British, few penetrated to the South, so it was not necessary to "protect" women by hiding them.</p> <div> <head>TOO BAD IT'S A GIRL</head> <p>Parents welcome the birth of their first daughter as a manifestation of the goddess of wealth. It is considered pious to give away a daughter in marriage, but with each daughter a dowry must be given, and succeeding daughters mean substantial, perhaps ruinous expense. Dowries, the only property traditionally allowed to women, supposedly guarantee their maintenance in their husband's family and serve as a tangible measure of economic strength to the community at large. There is considerable social pressure to continue the dowry system despite its illegality. Dowries are given by some families who know that the law is unenforceable, and by many more who do not know of the law's existence.</p> <p>Sons are preferred because they will remain to contribute financial and physical support, perpetuate the family line and perform necessary funeral rites for their parents.</p> <p>Considered temporary residents, daughters are frequently reminded that they will marry and go to live with their in-laws. Their share of household work depends on the economic standing and <emph>jati</emph> (lineage group within broad caste categories) of their family. Regardless of caste, all women are expected to know how to cook, clean and care for children.</p> <p>Traditional education, memorization of religious texts, was denied to women and the lower castes. Modern education, though prestigious, is an economic luxury for women.</p> </div> <div> <head>THE ARRANGEMENT</head> <p>The major event in most people's lives is marriage. Families select potential spouses to strengthen or improve their social position. In North India this takes the form of affiliation between families in distant villages, and in <placeName key="South India" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q542146">South India</placeName> consolidation within a local setting. Thus, a North Indian bride faces total strangers, perhaps a new language, while a South Indian bride may marry someone as familiar as a cousin. The transition from parents' to in-laws' home is rarely as traumatic for her.</p> <p>There are a few socially acceptable alternatives to marriage for upper- or middle-caste women. One is to secure employment in a "proper" profession, <note>The ideal profession is medicine. Doctors may defy almost all domestic and societal restrictions and still are highly respected. Nursing, however, is undesirable because it is associated with traditional midwifery, a low-caste profession.</note> such as teaching, and continue to live with their parents, celibate, in a social limbo, their public behavior subject to scrutiny and criticism by neighbors. A more drastic but traditional choice, available to malcontents and nonconformists of both sexes, is to leave society and become a religious devotee: a hard and often solitary life. Most women get married.</p> </div> <div> <head>DEVOTION, DUTY AND SACRIFICE</head> <p>By adolescence, young people have witnessed many marriages and know their obligations and expectations. A bride should serve her mother-in-law, respectfully avoid older men, show symbolic and real deference to her husband and have babies. She expects to be ill-treated by her mother-in-law, to have little in common with her husband except sex and to be allowed occasional visits to her parents home where she is a privileged guest.</p> <p>During menstruation women are considered unclean and not allowed to cook. Instead of resting indoors, they frequently work harder than usual outdoors. As protectors of domestic purity, they are expected to be more ritually strict than men. Defying such restrictions is one way women express their anger.</p> <p>Childbirth is ritually unclean. Low-caste midwives, otherwise shunned, enter homes of all castes and assist. Their freedom of movement is envied by upper-caste women who haven't fully rationalized and internalized their own sequestered lives.</p> <p>On almost every social level, a wife's status improves with the birth of a child, especially a son. Children are wives' social insurance and the most acceptable focus of their attention and affection. If women do not produce sons, husbands who can afford it take another wife. Divorce is an unspeakable disgrace, so the first wife stays on, adjusting to her lowered status as a barren woman.</p> </div> <div> <head>THE LATER YEARS</head> <p>Maintenance of a joint family demonstrates stability, reliability and strength to the community, which rewards the family with prestige and economic opportunities. But many forces work against its continuance: difficulties of integrating brides into the household, rivalries between nuclear units and possible conflict between brothers over family property. These find expression in battles between mothers and daughters-in-law and among brothers' wives. Quarrels among women are an acceptable release of tension. It is believed that women drive apart families which would otherwise remain peaceably united.</p> <p>In matters beyond the domestic sphere, women are expected to indirectly wield what power they have through the men in their family. A wife's status depends on her husband's position in the household: after his mother, the oldest son's wife has the most authority. Some widowed mothers have considerable influence over their sons, much to the displeasure of the sons' wives.</p> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_108.jpg" n="105" xml:id="img_0108"/> <p> Antagonism between mothers and daughters-in-law keeps them divided, competing for their son/husband's support, and diverts them from more fundamental sources of discontent inherent in the repressive hierarchy of family relations.</p> <p>Age is respected, and unless widowed, women can attain a secure and powerful position in their later years.</p> <p>Treatment of widows varies widely depending on their age, relations with their children and family resources. Young, childless widows dependent on their in-laws are undoubtedly treated the worst. Widows' heads are shaved, their glass jewelry broken and their saris replaced by permanent mourning clothes. Widows are not allowed to remarry. A proper widow should devote herself to religion and quietly pine away. Those with the means, interest and determination become involved in community social services or charity work.</p> <p>In later life, people are encouraged to turn to religion, the selection and practice of which provide more personal choice than any other aspect of Indian life. Continued participation in family and social activities is frowned upon.</p> </div> <div> <head>ANOTHER WORLD</head> <p>Low-caste, <persName key="Harijan" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q3633100">Harijan</persName> (untouchable) and tribal women are more independent economically, socially and ritually. Poverty forces them to work, and although they receive lower salaries than men, the result is freedom unknown to their upper-caste sisters. They choose their husbands, leave or divorce them and remarry if widowed. This is possible because these people are so poor that a woman's wage-earning ability is of great value. But Harijan and tribal women must contend with real and threatened violence, insults and humiliation due to their caste ranking.</p> </div> <div> <head>HOW MUCH CONTROL DO WOMEN HAVE OVER THEIR OWN LIVES?</head> <p>In one lifetime, women fulfill a number of assigned roles, each with its own privileges and constraints. Transitions between roles are often abrupt, making it very difficult to retain and consolidate power or authority.</p> <p>Upper-caste women have more economic security and community respect, accompanied by physical and social confinement.</p> <p>Lower-caste women have the possibility of choice in their domestic relations, but live and die in crushing poverty.</p> <p>A U.N. report notes that on a worldwide basis</p> <p>...even where women have made major gains in acquiring access to knowledge, training and economic independence, their share in decision-making in both the family and in public life—that is, their share of political power—appears to lag behind their share in other resources. <note type="scholarNote">2U.N. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Status of Women and Family Planning.</note></p> </div> <div> <list> <item>Beteille, Andre and Madan, T.N., Encounter and Experience: Personal Accounts of Fieldwork. Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1975.</item> <item> Cormack, Margaret, The Hindu Woman. New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1953.</item> <item>Das, Frieda Hauswirth, Purdah: The Status of Indian Women. New York: Vangard Press, 1932. Mandelbaum, D. G., Society in India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970, vol. 1 and 2.</item> <item>Masani, Mehra, “Indian Women: Second Class Citizens,” Illustrated Weekly of India, Vol. XCVI, No. 9, March 2, 1975, p. 4</item> <item>Mies, Maria, “Indian Women and Leadership,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 7, No. 1, January-March 1975, p. 56.</item> <item>Minturn, L. and Hitchcock, J., The Rajputs of Khalapur, India. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966.</item> <item>Mody, Susan and Mhatre, Sharayu, “Sexual Class in India,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 7, No. 1, January-March 1975, p. 49.</item> <item>Omvedt, Gail, “Caste, Class, and Women’s Liberation in India,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 7, No. 1, January-March 1975, p. 43.</item> <item>U.N. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Status of Women and Family Planning. New York: U.N. Publications, 1975.</item> </list> </div> <div> <head>On The Status of Women in India</head> <list> <item>Contrary to demographic averages, the ratio of men to women in India is 100:93. This is attributed to the neglect of females.</item> <item>90% of abandoned babies in <placeName key="Delhi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1353">Delhi</placeName>, the Indian capital, are female.§</item> <item>The <title key="Constitution of India" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q477108">Indian Constitution</title> proposed universal, free, compulsory education but postponed it to 1965, then to 1981. In 1971, 97% of boys and 62% of girls aged 6 to 11 years were enrolled in school. Actual attendance figures were not available.</item> <item>60% of all children drop out of school before the fifth grade.†</item> <item>39% of the male and 18.7% of the female population were literate in 1974; 40% of the “literate” women can only sign their names.</item> <item>4/5 of the population is rural; 13.2% of rural women are literate. Women formed 18% of the work force in 1971, a decrease from 27 in 1961. The official explanation was "economic stagnation," but employers use protective labor laws as excuses to not hire women.7</item> <item>80% of working women are agricultural laborers, 15% work in factories or plantations, or as unorganized laborers such as <emph>bidi</emph> (cigarette) makers, hawkers, and domestic servants. 90% of working women are illiterate.7</item> <item>5% of urban women who matriculated and 20% of university graduates find work; only 0.4% of Indian women hold degrees.</item> <item>50% of employed, educated women teach primary school, 15% are clerks or typists, 15% teach secondary school, 7% are nurses and 10% are doctors, lawyers, college teachers, artists, administrators, etc.†</item> <item>15% of all rural women are married before 14 years of age.</item> <item>71% of women aged 15 to 19 were married, widowed or divorced in 1961.§</item> <item>100,000 women, mostly widows, aged 20 to 45, become destitute every year due to lack of work.</item> <item>Life expectancy for men is 51.3 years, and 49.6 for women.</item> <item>§U.N. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Status of Women and Family Planning (New York: U.N. Publications, 1975).</item> <item>Masani, Mehra, “Indian Women: Second Class Citizens,” Illus- trated Weekly of India, Vol. XCVI, No. 9 (March 2, 1975), p. 4.</item> <item>tTimes of India, sec. 1. p. 1 (June 7. 1975).</item> </list> </div> </div> <div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_109.jpg" n="106" xml:id="img_0109"/> <head><title>Embroidery from the Northwest</title></head> <byline><persName key="Emmons, Zette" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/51075391/">Zette Emmons</persName></byline> <p>In the 700,000 villages of India, the peasant woman is born into a set of prescribed rituals which she is responsible for maintaining and transmitting. Traditional art is one form these rituals take; in <placeName key="Northwestern India" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q112145957">Northwestern India</placeName>, an area historically rich in all kinds of textiles, peasant women embroider. A classification of textiles made in India for domestic use includes "skilled work of weavers and dyers, who work close to large market towns; articles of luxury made under court patronage or in the court tradition; folk embroidery; and fabrics of the aboriginal tribes."1<note type="scholarNote">John Irwin, Textiles and Ornaments of India (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1956), p. 29</note> The first two forms of production are dominated by male weavers and craftsmen working in a commercial structure. The fourth is outside the mainstream of Indian village life, though folk embroidery draws upon many aboriginal antecedents which have become tangled with <orgName key="Islam" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q432">Islamic</orgName> and Hindu influences.</p> <p>The depth of religious feeling and devotion that permeates Indian village life does not exist in the West in any comparable way, and it is fron this regard for the deities that the impulse to create something beautiful and worthy seems to come. Outer and inner worlds are merged in a relationship kept flowing and harmonious by the constant application of visible symbols and signs. Everything is part of everything else; there is none of the "disconnectedness" that is so much a part of life in the West. When the woman embroiders, she is conscious of the decorativenes of what she does, but she also has the satisfaction of honoring the world of the spirits residing in the plants and animals which she imitates in thread. Even the poorest village woman is capable of making her life more bearable and secure by the application of decoration to her house on herself. A <orgName key="Krishna" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q42891">Krishna</orgName> proverb which applies to village women at work is—"I take the form desired by my worshippers."2<note type="scholarNote">Anand, Mulk Raj, “The Hand and the Heart,” MARG (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1969), p. 6.</note></p> <p>Women wear blouses, full skirts and shawls, all heavily embroidered. They spend their spare time embroidering not only their own clothing or trousseaus for their daughters, but also <emph>natis</emph> (children's headdresses), <emph>toranas</emph> (wall hangings), animal trappings and small bags for carrying jewelry and other small items. To wear someone else's clothing would be unthinkable. When the wearer dies or when a garment is worn out, the old garment is cast off.</p> <p>Patterns to be embroidered are drawn onto cloth, which is worked in flat sections and sewn together when finished. Chain, cross and buttonhole stitches cover the surface with patterns; satin stitching fills large areas with color. Small mirrors or pieces of mica are used extensively, interspersed fancifully with the embroidery. Mirrors also decorate walls, furniture and even chicken coops. They are not only attractive, flashing in the sun, but also frighten away demons.</p> <p>In the designs of peasant women in all parts of India, the essences of the animals, flowers and gods are revealed, emphasized by repetition. Dots, triangles and lines are arranged in panels surrounding abstracted symbols and objects. Even buses, bicycles and airplanes may be incorporated into the work. The sense of color is more pronounced in the Northwest than in any other part of India. Traditional dyes have been derived from indigo, cochineal (red made from crushed insect bodies), iron filings (black), saffron and various other plants yielding yellows and oranges. <persName>Pupul Jayaker</persName> of the <orgName key="All India Handicrafts Board" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/168679389/">All-India Handicrafts Board</orgName> describes the emotional content for peasant women of the colors they use.</p> <p><quote>Red was the color of Chunari, a tie-dyed sari, and was the symbol of <emph>sohog</emph>, the first days of marriage and love-play. It was the garment worn by the <emph>Abhisarika</emph>, the young woman seeking in the darkness of night her waiting beloved. Saffron or <emph>gerua</emph> was the color of <emph>Vasant</emph>, of spring, of young mango blossoms, of swarms of bees, of southern winds and the passionate cry of mating birds. Maroon and black were the colors of mourning. Blue or <emph>nil</emph>, the color of indigo, was also the color of <persName key="Krishna" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q42891">Krishna</persName>, the cowherd child-god who bore the name of Navjaldhar—he who is of that color, that of the newly formed cloud, dormant with the darkness that is rain. But there was another blue, <emph>Hari nil</emph>, or the color of water which is reflecting a clear spring sky. <note>Irwin, p. 20.</note></quote></p> <p>Daughters learn embroidery from their mothers who teach not only the techniques but the mythology that provides much of the subject matter for their images. Styles in the village gradually change according to the inclination of successive generations of artists and the impact of cultures. Islamic influence is seen in the geometric mazes and flower patterns; the bright colors and looser flowing lines are Hindu in origin.</p> <p>In the twentieth century industrialization has made inroads on every Indian village, no matter how remote. The survival of women's arts, especially embroidery is being threatened by the adoption of bright, mill-made cloth. Synthetic dyes have largely replaced traditional ones. Imitation printed or machine-sewn embroidery also appears now in place of the real thing. In recognition of this the All-India Handicrafts Board has provided incentives for maintaining quality by turning some previously noncommercial arts into quality-controlled commodities. This often has the opposite effect of the one intended, because the spark of life may go out of work produced for an unknown market whose needs are irrelevant to the rural craftsperson. <persName key="Mahatma Gandhi" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1001">Gandhi</persName> believed that it was possible and desirable for India to return to a village-centered economy in which the machine would be relegated to a minor role and the villager dictate the pace of life. Although his ideas are out of favor in present-day India, there is still a sentimental longing for that kind of simplicity in which the drive to create and survive comes out of the soil. The peasant woman holds on to the old ways for the time being, but there is no doubt that even she will become a victim, willing or not, of the changes that have afflicted the West since the industrial revolution.</p> </div> <div> <pb facs="https://raw.githubusercontent.com/BucknellDSC/heresies/main/issue04/images/Heresies_04_110.jpg" n="107" xml:id="img_0110"/> <head> <title>Mithila Paintings</title></head> <byline><persName>Erika Mosei</persName></byline> <p>What is specific to the art of these <persName key="Maithili" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q36109">Maithil</persName> women? To answer this question it is necessary to understand the traditional hierarchy of arts and artisans. As in our own culture, manual labor and handmade art such as sculpture or painting have, in spite of highly developed techniques and theories, been considered less prestigious professions than mental labor and intellectual art like poetry. In a male-dominated hierarchica society like India's, the latter sphere is traditionally occupied, with few exceptions, by men of high rank. Tasks requiring skilled hands are relegated to low-caste occupational specialists.</p> <p>In addition to the arts and crafts of specialists, nonprofessional domestic art is produced by women as part of their household duties. Ornamental decoration with symbolic meaning is made on festive occasions to beautify the home, household utensils, and those who live in the house. The numerous festivities of the life and calendar cycles, especially marriages, are functional occasions for the art of women. The most eye-catching of the domestic arts are the wall and floor drawings, two aspects of the total range of women's traditional arts which use many media, styles and contents. Wall murals feature motifs of gods and goddesses, epic scenes, brides and grooms and fertility symbols. Floor designs are made with rice flour dissolved in water and drawn with the fingers to mark a kind of ground altar for household rituals. What is considered the ritual center of the drawing is covered very carefully with earth after ritual use so that no one will accidentally step on it. The other ornamental forms, however, remain exposed to the sun and rain.</p> <p>Objects of high aesthetic quality are created as gifts for friends and relatives and as donations to the gods. Such domestic art done by women is usually not highly esteemed. In fact the concept of art is usually not applied to it though its creative qualities equal those of classical art. There are various explanations for the low prestige of women's traditional domestic arts:</p> <p>The objects are primarily functional, having an everyday household use rather than being representative monuments of social prestige. In addition, symbolic items are prepared for one time use only in a specific ritual context.</p> <p>The raw material out of which the art is made is usually regarded as being of little value because it is freely available, e.g., grass, mud, flowers and other organic material, self-prepared colors. Also, the materials tend not to be durable so that objects become unattractive within a short time. The objects are predominantly hand-worked. Highly developed tools and technologies are rarely used in their production. This kind of art is available without cost, a feature which tends to undermine its appreciation</p> <p>High-caste <orgName key="Brahmin caste" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q47140">Brahman</orgName> males may become defiled by doing manual labor; thus domestic work is left to low-caste servants and housewives. In this context, how was it possible that out of the mass of women in India a few could break out of the rigid traditional value system to become famous as a group in the world market of naive and folk art, producing paintings which sell as "Mithila paintings"?</p> <p>A clue to the answer lies in the word "market." In 1967-1968, after a famine, the government of India carried out a relief program in North Bihar. At that time, various handicrafts were bought and women were encouraged to prepare <emph>sikki</emph> grass work and other traditional folk arts on payment. <persName key="Pupul Jayakar" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q7260760">Pupul Jayakar</persName>, the woman who headed the <orgName key="Handicrafts and Handlooms Exports Corporation of India" ref="http://viaf.org/viaf/157163175/">Handicrafts and Handlooms Exports Corporation</orgName> at that time in Delhi, introduced the idea of distributing handmade paper among village women so that they could transfer their traditional motifs from murals and floor designs or to paper and create marketable products. The All-India Handicrafts Board promoted this project. In response to a Western demand for naive and folk art with ritual and oriental themes, the Mithila paintings became commercially successful. Unlike the ritual traditional art forms, the paintings on paper are not symbolic forms of meditation and prayer, but are made explicitly in order to eamn money. (When the demand is there, they are produced daily.) This, at least, is the way the women themselves view their artistic achievements.</p> <p>About 500 women in the region paint for the market. For most women painting is not the main source of family income. The money earned through painting is rarely available for personal use. In most cases, male members of the family collect and spend the money the women earn. But even though the earnings are not theirs to keep, most benefit from their work either psychologically or by eliciting what has rarely beer possible for them—social prestige and respect from male family members. (Three of the women received the highest prize, the "National Award of Master-Craftsmen" from the All-India Handicrafts Board.) Together, the women painters of Mithila have achieved collective acclaim for their region</p> <p>The concepts of art and creativity in our Western sense do not exist at all in this context. What we mean by traditional art is for these women a part of domestic ritual decoration, which extends far beyond the area of drawing and painting. Painting has been selected for promotion from the whole complex of domestic art skills because critical criteria have been brought in from the outside. These criteria, deduced from Western traditional art academic categories, value painting as highly-esteemed bourgeois art. Typical female skills like embroidery do not have much worth on such scales. The women of Mithila in fact value textile art skills and, above all, the fine weaving of <emph>sikki</emph>, higher than painting. Interestingly, when formerly disregarded female work succeeds commercially, males join the ranks, and, in this case, even Brahman men have acted as helpers, publicity agents or even as painters.</p> <p>The art of the women of Mithila is exemplary of an indigenous woman's art as opposed to women's art in the West which still, in the realm of "fine" arts, may be regarded as imitative of dominating male art styles. The ideology that male artists have been the major creative geniuses and that women have been the followers is usually accepted without question on the simple basis that there have been more famous male artists in the history of art. Only in some seemingly insignificant corners of the world has female creativity had the chance to develop without male competition, mainly in the domestic sphere.</p> </div> </body> <back> <p>Sharon Wood is a student of film at <placeName key="San Francisco State University" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q1256981">San Francisco State</placeName>. She traveled in India in 1974 and plans to return to do further film work. 105</p> <p> Zete Emmons was born in San Francisco and studied at the <placeName key="University of California, Berkeley" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q168756">University of California at Berkeley</placeName>. She spent 1971-1972 in India documenting folk art on a grant from Berkeley and presently lives in Kingston, R.I.</p> <p> Erika Moser is a lecturer of visual anthropology at the South Asia Institute, <placeName key="Heidelberg University" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q151510">University of Heidelberg</placeName>, <placeName key="Germany" ref="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q183">Germany</placeName>. She is the Vice-President of the Society for Folk Arts Preservation, Inc.</p> </back> </text> </TEI> Document Download Image - Name Women's Art in Village India Object Type XML document Related Item No
