charlesworth_0.xml

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 <persName>Eowyn Andres</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Haley Beardsley</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Lyndon Beier</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Erica Delsandro</persName>
 <resp>Investigator, editor</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Mia DeRoco</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Margaret Hunter</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Diane Jakacki</persName>
 <resp>Invesigator, encoder</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Sophie McQuaide</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Olivia Martin</persName>
 <resp>Editor, encoder (2021)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Zoha Nadeer</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Bri Perea</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Carrie Pirmann</persName>
 <resp>Editor, encoder (2023-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Valeria Riley</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Ricky Rodriguez</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2022-2023)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Roger Rothman</persName>
 <resp>Investigator, editor</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Valeria Riley</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2024-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Kaitlyn Segreti</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2021-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Maggie Smith</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2021-2024)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Maya Wadhwa</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2021-2023)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Kelly Troop</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Lucy Wadswoth</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2022-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Anna Marie Wingard</persName>
 <resp>Editor (2023-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <respStmt>
 <persName>Olivia Wychock</persName>
 <resp>Graduate Editor (2024-Present)</resp>
 </respStmt>
 <funder>Bucknell University Humanities Center</funder>
 <funder>Bucknell University Office of Undergraduate Research</funder>
 <funder>The Mellon Foundation</funder>
 <funder>National Endowment for the Humanities</funder>
 </titleStmt>
 <publicationStmt>
 <distributor>
 <name>Bucknell University</name>
 <address>
 <street>One Dent Drive</street>
 <settlement>Lewisburg</settlement>
 <region>Pennsylvania</region>
 <postCode>17837</postCode>
 </address>
 </distributor>
 <availability>
 <licence>Bucknell Heresies Project: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0
 International (CC BY-NC 4.0)</licence>
 <licence>Heresies journal: © Heresies Collective</licence>
 </availability>
 </publicationStmt>
 <sourceDesc>
 <biblStruct>
 <analytic>
 <title>Patterns of Communicating and Space Among Women</title>
 </analytic>
 <monogr>
 <imprint>
 <publisher>HERESIES: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics</publisher>
 <pubPlace>
 <address>
 <name>Heresies</name>
 <postBox>P.O. Boxx 766, Canal Street Station</postBox>
 <settlement>New York</settlement>
 <region>New York</region>
 <postCode>10013</postCode>
 </address>
 </pubPlace>
 </imprint>
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				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_1_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>WAYS OF CHANGE RECONSIDERED:
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_1_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>AN OUTLINE AND COMMENTARY
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_1_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>ON WOMEN AND PEACE IN NORTHERN IRELAND
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_1_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>SARAH CHARLESWORTH
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>Compared to the devoted and laborious build-up that
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>took place before all the other peace rallies that I have at
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>tended in Belfast — the advertising, the canvassing, the care
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>fully balanced composition of the platform party —here
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>there was apparently no planning at all. No platform, no
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>loudspeakers, no stewards, no prepared order of service. Just
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>a vast throng of women, gathered at the spot where shortly
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>before, the war between the terrorists and the army had cost
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>the lives of three children.... One had a gnawing uneasiness
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>that nothing more was going to happen
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>What did happen was a sudden burst of derisive yells
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>and taunts from a band of youths defiantly brandishing the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>tricolour flag from a vantage point on the roof of a nearby
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>garage. At that moment perhaps nothing could more effec
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>tively have rallied the rally." Suddenly it seemed we knew
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>what we were there to do. From one to another the word
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>threaded like quicksilver through the crowds: “We’re goin
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>to walk down to the Falls." And walk we did—pushchairs
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>and all —along the road that has become so notorious for
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>violence and anger. Here and there spectators jeered ana
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>flaunted the slogans of hatred, but calmly and steadily the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>column of women — in the most casual fashion — walked on.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>As we walked, we talked. “They say," said the woman
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>beside me, "that there's Protestants walking with us."“That's
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>right," said I... "Tm one of them." The response was im
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>mediate: hands shot out to grasp mine, heart-warming
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>ejaculations of welcome fell on my ears. I felt simultaneously
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_2_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>the reality of the division and the unity.
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>In August 1976, there emerged in Belfast, Northern Ireland
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>apparently quite "spontaneously,” a movement, which althougl
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>it was later to be dubbed “The People for Peace” movement, was
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>quite without a doubt a women’s movement, initiated, supported
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>and sustained primarily by women. From the perspective of cla
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>sic political forms, it was and is both extremely traditional and
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>profoundly radical, and it is particularly within the context o
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>Irish politics that it becomes so.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>My initial interest in the peace movement grew out of a feel
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>ing of solidarity and empathy with both the frustration and the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>positive vision these women revealed. As I followed its progress
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>my interest began to turn increasingly to its larger political and
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>social implications, not simply in relation to the situation of
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>Northern Ireland, but also in regard to basic issues posed by femi
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>nism in relation to traditional patriarchal political analysis an
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>practice. What became increasingly apparent as I continued my
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>research was the fact that the peace movement could not be
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>understood and evaluated either on the basis of the primar,
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>social-political traditions of Northern Ireland or from the per
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>spective of an abstract marxist or feminist analysis. These model
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>must themselves be continually measured against the social reali
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>ties which they presume to appraise.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>The peace movement, to the extent to which it can be called
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>a "women’s movement,” is interesting precisely because it is not
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>in any sense "sophisticated.” Its values and the forms of its
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_3_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>organization are a direct manifestation of the attitudes of womer
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_4_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>Peace women hit Ulster streets despite threats
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>BELFAST, Northern Ireland
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>(AP)- The Peace Women of this
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>turbulent British province take
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>to the streets of violence-scarred
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>Belfast Saturday, defying
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>terrorist death threats in their
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>campaign to end seven years of
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>sectarian bloodshed
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>“There’s no way we’re going
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>to give up now,” declared Mrs.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>Betty Williams, the Roman
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>Catholic housewife
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>launched the burgeoning
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>movement 10 days ago after
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>three children were killed by
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>Irish Republican Army gunmen
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>fleeing British troops.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>Thousands of Catholic and
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>Protestant women, setting aside
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>the centuries-old hatreds that
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>have separated Northern
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>freland’s feuding communities,
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>were expected to gather for a
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>rally in Ormeau park in
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>Protestant East Belfast
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>The attendance at the rally
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>will be a crucial test of the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>strength of the campaign, the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>latest in a long string of peace
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>movements in Ulster. All the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>earlier campaigns fizzled out
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_5_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>Last Saturday, more than
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>10,000 women and a handful of
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>men attended a peace rally
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>organized by Mrs. Williams in
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>Belfast’s staunchly Catholic
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>Andersonstown suburb at the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>spot where the three children
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>were slain.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>Mrs. Williams, 32, and many
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>other Catholic women at that
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>rally were branded “touts
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>terrorist parlance for informers
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>and pro-British collaborators -
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>by the IRA’s “Provisional
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>wing
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>Young IRA supporters last
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>week tried to burn Mrs.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>Williams’ house down. She and
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>other women received death
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>threats from the mainly
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>Catholic “provos” who are
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>fighting to end British rule and
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>Protestant domination in Ulster
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>Despite the threats, the peace
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>movement has spread.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>Williams said groups in other
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>parts of the province have
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>voiced support and local peace
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>committees have sprung up in
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>both Catholic and Protestant
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>quarters
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>But the violence has continued
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_6_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>unabated. At least six persons
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>have been killed since the peace
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>campaign began and dozens
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>have been wounded by gunfire
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>and bombings
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>Government
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>officials
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>community
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>leaders
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>experienced observers who have
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>seen earlier movements fail are
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>still sceptical that Mrs.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>Williams campaign will change
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>anything.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>The sad truth is
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>said
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>Catholic community leader Tom
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>Conaty, a onetime adviser to the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>British administration in the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>province, “that the IRA and the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>Protestant paramilitary groups
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>do not depend on popular
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>support for their survival
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>“They have shown this in the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>past and, despite
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>courageous display by
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>women, I believe they will be
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>around for a long time.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>However, IRA sources said
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>the guerrillas' leaders are
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>taking the emotion-charged
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>campaign “seriously.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>provisionals have cracked up
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>their well-oiled propaganda
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>machine in a bid to counter the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_7_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>movement’s growing support.
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>The Republican news, the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>provisionals' mouthpiece in
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>Ulster, Friday vowed: “the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>struggle goes on.” The headline
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>was printed over a big photo of a
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>hooded
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>gunman
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>brandishing a U.S.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>made
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>armalite automatic rifle
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>The Andersonstown news, a
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>flourishing newssheet that has
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>supported the provisionals in the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>past, stridently attacked the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>peace-at-any-price brigade.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>Both papers published articles
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>and letters denouncing the
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>peace campaign as pro-British.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>However
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>Mrs.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>Williams
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>stressed that her movement is
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>not just opposed to the IRA, but
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>Protestant
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>terrorist
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>organizations as well as Ulstei
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>police officers and British troops
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>who “commit cowardly acts.
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>sympathizers
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>Provisional
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>have
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>organized
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>counter-demonstration in south
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>Armagh, an IRA stronghold, at
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>the spot where a 12-year-old
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>Catholic girl was killed,
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>apparently by army fire, last
				<lb facs="#facs_80_r_8_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>Saturday.
			
			<pb n="81"/>
			
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>bistorically isolated from one another within a social structure
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>over which they exercise minimal control. Within the context of
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>American feminism, the questions posed by the peace movement
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>are relevant to the extent to which they underline and elaborate
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>some of the more complex issues pertaining to the gender bias
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>inherent in the very “logic" of commonly accepted politica
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>norms. As Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo points out:
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>Since women must work within a social system that ob-
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>scures their goals and interests, they are apt to develop
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>ways of seeing, feeling, and acting that seem to be "in
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>tuitive” and "unsystematic"—with a sensitivity to other
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>people that permits them to survive. They may, then, be
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>"expressive." But it is important to realize that cultural
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>stereotypes order the observer’s own perceptions. It is
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>because men enter the world of articulated social rela
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>tions that they appear to us as intellectual, rational, or
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>instrumental; and the fact that women are excluded
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>from that world makes them seem to think and behave
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_1_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>in another mode.
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>The Province of Ulster was born in conflict. The partition of
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>lreland was a highly artificial solution to an age-old problem. The
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>question of whether the current crisis is a religious war, a class
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>war, or a war of national liberation is in many ways a false one. It
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>is all of these at once. The peculiar complexity of the situation
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>stems from the fact that the political and religious identity of each
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>community is coincident in broad terms, and it is with these poli
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>tical and religious groups that individuals have from birth learned
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>to define themselves.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>The sources of bigotry in Ireland as well as the mechanisms
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>of its maintenance are ancient. In the Protestant community,
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>patriotic songs and yearly festivals celebrate the siege of London
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>derry and the assent of Protestant rule. These are matched in
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>Catholic culture by a heritage which stresses the heroism and
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>glory of national revolt as well as an almost mystical alliance
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>with the church. According to the Irish Republican tradition to
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>which the modern Provisionals are heir, “Ireland unfree shall
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>never be at peace.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>The Catholic population in general has tended traditionally
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>to identify with a united and independent Ireland and was in fact
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>instrumental in winning support for the Home Rule Bill by which
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>the Republic of Ireland was established in 1922. The Protestants,
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>who form a minority within Ireland as a whole, had been success
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>ful in their violent opposition to what they termed "the papist
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>state, which led to Britain’s partition of Ireland in an attempt to
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>pacify loyalist Protestants in the North. The long-term and
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_3_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>blatant suprematism of the Protestants concentrated in Northern
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>Ireland, their overt domination of political and civil institutions,
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>is countered by a Republican commitment to “victory through
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>physical force” — a form of patriotism which finds its most ex
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>treme manifestation in the IRA tradition of blood sacrifice, in
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>which each death only serves further to legitimize the unques
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>tioned heroism and “justice” of the nationalist cause.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>With the outbreak of widespread and violent sectarian riot
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>ing in 1969, the collapse of the repressive Protestant-controlled
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>Stormont Government was achieved only through the further
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>intervention of the British, “justified" at the time by continuing
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>paramilitary violence and the threat of civil war. This was to
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>mark the beginning of a period of intense segregation and eco
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>nomic disintegration in Northern Ireland, during which a climate
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>of hostility, combined with a complete lack of dialogue and a
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>military standoff, has made the possibility of further political and
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>social development virtually impossible.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>When the IRA split in 1969, the Official IRA (increasingly
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>concerned with developing economic and class consciousness)
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>apparently dwindled in effectiveness. The "Provisionals, on the
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>other hand, with their more traditional focus on militarism and
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>nationalism, were able to take advantage of the already tense
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>political climate, playing into and further aggravating sectarian
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>hostilities. They became self-appointed "people’s protectors,” like
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>the Protestant paramilitaries in their own districts. The British
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>policy of internment and torture of IRA militants only served to
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>further escalate guerrilla activities. The vicious circle was com
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>plete.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>During the last seven years, continued paramilitary and mili
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>tary violence have all but wrecked large sections of both the resi
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>dential and commercial areas of Belfast, Derry and Armagh.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>Industry has declined and unemployment is soaring. Meanwhile,
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>among the general population, apathy, fear, frustration and
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>poverty have begun to flourish. Amid invariably righteous claims
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>to the representation of “justice, hatred and despair have in
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>creasingly come to dominate “political" life in the Northern State.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>While numerous "brave and valiant" soldiers have lost their lives,
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>countless ordinary citizens, often women and children, have also
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>been the victims of this ancient and unending cycle of fear,
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_39" n="N039"/>recrimination and violence. The deaths of the three McGuire chil
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_40" n="N040"/>dren, killed on August 10 by an IRA getaway car in Belfast's
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_41" n="N041"/>Andersontown district, were just another "accident." It was, how-
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_42" n="N042"/>ever, to have a resounding effect. Betty Williams, an Anderson
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_43" n="N043"/>town resident who had witnessed the incident, and Mairead
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_44" n="N044"/>Corrigan, the children’s aunt, “had had enough." Within hours
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_45" n="N045"/>they began organizing their neighbors to protest the senseless
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_46" n="N046"/>violence of a war which had long since become a way of life.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_47" n="N047"/>The peace movement was from the start fueled by an emo
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_48" n="N048"/>tional commitment which was not without its own particular
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_49" n="N049"/>rationality. To the skeptics who denied the possibility of a peace-
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_50" n="N050"/>ful resolution to a feud stemming from deeply ingrained attitudes
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_51" n="N051"/>and opposing loyalties, the women replied that three hundred
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_52" n="N052"/>years of warfare had likewise accomplished nothing, that the
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_53" n="N053"/>Northern Irish people had been for too long divided against them-
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_54" n="N054"/>selves.
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_55" n="N055"/>Thank God l’m still angry enough to do this, because
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_56" n="N056"/>l’d march anywhere in Northern Ireland. I don’t give
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_57" n="N057"/>a darn what the fellow’s beliefs are. Everybody has
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_58" n="N058"/>got a right to believe in exactly what they want to be-
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_59" n="N059"/>lieve in, but there is no one in this whole wide world has
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_60" n="N060"/>any right to kill for it. So, when l’d seen the children die
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_61" n="N061"/>or the awful accident—my daughter also witnessed this
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_62" n="N062"/>—she has screamed about it since, my five-year-old
				<lb facs="#facs_81_r_4_1_tl_63" n="N063"/>daughter who was unfortunately in the car with me at
			
			<pb n="82"/>
			
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>the time—I went home and sat down. Did you ever get
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>sick inside, so sick that you didn’t even know what was
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>wrong with you? I couldn’t cook a dinner. I couldn’t
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>think straight. I couldn’t even cry, and as the night went
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>on I got angrier and angrier. And my sister came up
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>She lives quite close to where I live, and I had a cousin
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>in the house at the time. And I just said—and I don't
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>mean to swear, l’m very sorry—I said, "Damn it, we
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>have got to do something. And my husband was at sea,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>and I an air-mail writing pad, and I went right
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>up into the heart of provisional IRA territory in Ander
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>sontown and I didn’t knock at that door very nicely, by
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>the way, I didn’t say, "Excuse me. Would you like to
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>sign this? We all want peace." I was spitting angry, and I
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>banged the woman’s door and she came. I frightened the
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>life out of her. I really did.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>When she came out, I said, “Do you want peace?" She
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>said "Yes!
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>"Yes, then sign that." It sort of started off like that,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>and it went on...further down the street, every door
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>you knocked. All the women felt that way. I just lifted
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>the lid. They all poured out. I mean, I ended up rather
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>like the Pied Piper of Hamlin because I had a hundred
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>women in provie territory collecting signatures for
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>peace.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>We had 3,000 or 6,000 signatures in three hours. We
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>went back to my home. They were in the lounge. They
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>were in the living room. They were in the kitchen. They
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>were in the hall. They were lined up the stairs. They
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>were in the bathroom, the two bedrooms. There just
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>wasn’t enough room to hold them all, and they were all
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>just as angry as I was...that we had let this go on for so
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>long.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_1_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>(Betty Williams4
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>You see, unfortunately, in a long time in Northern
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>Irish society and, indeed, in the world we have glorified
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>the man with the guns. Do you know we sit in our clubs
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>and we sing about the brave man who took life? Now,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>we’re going to say in Northern Ireland, we want a com
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>plete new change of society. The hero in Northern Ire
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>land is going to be the guy who stands up against the
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>man with a gun in his hand and said, "You’re not speak
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>ing for me. I haven’t got a gun. l’m not prepared to take
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>your life, but you’re most certainly not speaking for me.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>The guy who gets involved with the man next door,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>with the old-age pensioner; the guy who recognizes the
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>Protestant and the Shankhill to be his brother or the
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_2_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>black man across the road to be his brother. The man,
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>who, in society, acknowledges his brother. ..the man
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>next door to be his brother. This is the kind of whole
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>new society that we want to create in Northern Ireland,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>Indeed, we want to say that we have led the world in
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>guerrilla warfare for years; we are going to lead the war
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>in peace and we say to the people of the world, “Watch
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>us." Because we are going to do it, and not only watch
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>us but imitate us because the whole world is led by vio
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>lence and it doesn’t pay. One thousand six hundred
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>people dead in Northern Ireland.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>My sister was lying in a hospital after losing three
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>babies, and do you know her major concern? There was
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>a bomb the previous week in a bar where a guy had
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>gone out to have a drink—and he was lying across the
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>ward from her—one of those open plan wards, and he
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>had no legs, seventeen years of age—he had no legs and
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>he kept squealing all day, "Please take my hands off. My
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>hands hurt so much." That is only one awful incident of
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>what’s going on in Northern Ireland with guns coming
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>into Northern Ireland. That’s got to stop. That’s no an
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>swer, but to the gunman we say, "We acknowledge that
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>the gunman in Northern Ireland has taken guns perhaps
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>because of their political ideals, perhaps because they
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>were never offered a way, but there’s a new way. There’s
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>another way, and we say to them, "Put up your guns,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>and if you really care for the people, come into society.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>Let’s talk about it." We’re not telling them to "get lost
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>or go under the carpet because it’Il fester in thirty years,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>but let’s talk about it. Let’s hear what you are saying,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>but not by the gun.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_6_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>Mairead Corrigan 5)
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>During the weeks that followed the initial demonstration at
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>the site of the McGuire children’s death, Betty Williams and Mai
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>read Corrigan continued to publicize the incident and organize
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>for an all-out assault on violence. This took the form of massive
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>demonstrations for peace. The first demonstration (August 14)
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>drew 10,000 women, both Protestant and Catholic, to the Catho
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>lic Andersontown district. Provo supporters jeered the rally and
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>denounced Williams as a traitor, but she was not dissuaded and
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>the following week brought 20,000 people together in one of Bel
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>fast’s few remaining “mixed" neighborhoods. The third weekend
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>the peace movement returned to the hard-core Protestant Shan-
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>kill Road area where close to 30,000 demonstrators showed up.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>The fourth rally was held in Derry, Ulster’s second largest city,
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>on Craigavon Bridge, which connects the Protestant and Catho-
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>lic sections of town. Again approximately 30,000 people turned
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>out. By this time the Provos were saying that they did not oppose
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>the peace movement, but supported “Peace with justice." Mean-
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>while, in Dublin, the capital of the Irish Republic, a march by
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>20,000 was organized in support and smaller marches were held
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>in Corm, Galway, Carlon and Castlebar.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>The unexpected popularity and energetic style of these initial
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>marches contributed to their dramatic impact. Both support and
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>criticism abounded. Within weeks of the first rally, smaller com
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>munity "peace” groups began to spring up throughout the pro
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>vince, with no apparent orientation other than a commitment to
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>peace, to furthering dialogue within the community and to con
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>structive non-sectarian local action.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>Provisional "support," however, was to prove short-lived.
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>The weekly marches were disrupted on October 2 by small IRA
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>counter-marches in which several of the peace marchers were
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>assaulted. Death threats against Betty and Mairead were occa
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>sionally found scrawled on Belfast walls. The Provos, claiming
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>that there had been an increase in British army raids, arrests and
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>harassment, issued a statement warning that if any women from
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>the peace movement cooperated with security forces, they would
				<lb facs="#facs_82_r_7_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>be treated as informers and shot.
			
			<pb n="83"/>
			
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>From the onset there has been confusion in the press about
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>the attitude of the peace marchers toward the British and the RUC
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>(Royal Ulster Constabulary — the “legitimate” police who have
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>been theoretically neutral but effectively on the side of the Pro
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>testants). While the peace leaders have been extremely outspoken
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>in their criticism of the Provisionals and of the UDA and the UVF
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>(Ulster Defense Association and Ulster Volunteer Force, the Pro
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>testant paramilitary equivalents of the Provisional IRA), they
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>have been less direct in their denunciation of the British and of the
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>legitimate" Ulster security forces. Though they have consistently
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>condemned all “men of violence, their position on “legal” mili
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>tary forces is more ambiguous. While this is a crucial issue and
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>one on which the peace leaders are perhaps most vulnerable to
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>criticism, IRA supporters have consistently twisted its signifi
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>cance to imply that they are pro-British — unlikely, as the move
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>ment is both Catholic-led and strongly backed by non-violent
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>Catholic Nationalists. There is in fact a simple and rational ex
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>planation for their hedging on the question of British interven
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>tion. Since one of the main thrusts of the movement is its anti
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>sectarian character, and since it is the first major popular grass
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>roots movement uniting both Catholics and Protestants, its very
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>existence is dependent on widespread support from both camps.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>The vast majority of Protestants (two-thirds of the population in
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>Northern Ireland) for the most part do not favor British with
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>drawal, and many Catholics, including the Official IRA Sinn
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>Fein° do not advocate an immediate withdrawal, so that any
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>public position in regard to either imperialism or British "secur
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>ity" forces is indeed difficult and problematic. Due to this fact, as
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>well as to the general diversity of political sentiment within the
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>movement, the leaders have confined themselves to taking gen
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>eral positions against violence, encouraging local initiative
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>toward peace and speaking in very broad terms about the need
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>for the "Northern Irish" people to resolve their own differences
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>"from the bottom up.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>Although heavy criticism from both the Provisionals and
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>extremist Protestant groups may have slightly affected the move
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>ment’s popularity, demonstrations, rallies and meetings through-
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>out the fall of 1976 continued to draw wide support. Several sup
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_39" n="N039"/>portive demonstrations were organized by feminist groups in
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_40" n="N040"/>Germany and the Netherlands; a rally in London on November
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_41" n="N041"/>28 drew a crowd of approximately 15,000.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_42" n="N042"/>The movement now has a magazine (Peace by Peace), a
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_43" n="N043"/>small office in Belfast, and over 125 local groups “organizing for
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_44" n="N044"/>peace” in Northern Ireland. "Support,” however, is not what the
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_45" n="N045"/>movement is all about. In terms of opening up effective channels
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_46" n="N046"/>of discourse and creating a climate in which constructive non
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_47" n="N047"/>sectarian political development can occur, there is no way at
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_48" n="N048"/>present to estimate its success.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_49" n="N049"/>The current peace movement is not the first of its kind in Ire
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_50" n="N050"/>land. Two others in the recent past have attempted to dispel sec
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_51" n="N051"/>tarian violence by non-violent and non-sectarian means. Both
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_52" n="N052"/>times they were eclipsed by British military escalations which ral
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_53" n="N053"/>lied Catholics to the IRA. In 1971, an organization called "Wom
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_54" n="N054"/>en Together” gained considerable support, but lost ground when
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_55" n="N055"/>the British introduced internment. Another movement sprang up
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_56" n="N056"/>in Derry in 1972. After a British soldier had killed a Catholic
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_57" n="N057"/>youth, the IRA "executed" a young man from Derry who had
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_58" n="N058"/>joined the British army. That was the last straw for Margaret
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_59" n="N059"/>Doherty, who organized her neighbors to demonstrate their
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_60" n="N060"/>anger. This was effective to the extent that the Official IRA de
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_61" n="N061"/>clared a cease-fire which they maintain to this day. The 1972
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_1_1_tl_62" n="N062"/>movement collapsed however, when the British invaded the
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>Catholic no-go areas in what was known as “Operation Motor
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>man. Once again the Provisionals were vindicated by British
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>actions. With the rebirth of the peace forces this year, Margaret
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>Doherty, who had been viciously harassed for her peace activities
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>in 1972, again came forward and has participated in the organiza
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>tion of the present campaign.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>Even these recent interventions on the part of women are not
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>unique in Irish history. In 1921, during the struggle for Home
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>Rule, the British section of the Women’s International League for
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>Peace and Freedom, headed by Jane Addams, sent their own
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>commission to study Irish self-rule, clearly opposing the interests
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>of their own government. The Irish section of the WILPF, led by
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>Louie Bennett, was active in organizing women to employ
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>passive-resistance techniques in a struggle against the British.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>Their view as women was that human life was precious and that
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>war was an outmoded way of dealing with imperialist rivalries.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>While the women supporters of the 1921 struggle were largely
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>middle-class suffragettes organized internationally behind a paci-
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>fist ideology, the current peace campaign is indigenous, widely
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>supported by both middle- and working-class people, and rela
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>tively "unorganized."
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>The peace movement, as Bernadette Devlin has pointed out,
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>is not a feminist movement. There is in fact virtually no feminism
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>in Ireland in the sense in which we as Americans understand it.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>While there have been several notable female political activists in
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>the Republican movement (Bernadette Devlin, now associated
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>with the Irish Republican Socialist Party, Marin de Burca, joint
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>general secretary of Sinn Fein, and Maire Drumm, the recently
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>assassinated Provisional IRA spokeswoman), the vast majority of
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>Irish women, oppressed as they are by poverty, war, extremely
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>discriminatory employment and pay practices, and perhaps most
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>importantly, by a strong religious and patriarchal family struc
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>ture, have, by and large, remained unorganized as women.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>For Catholic women, a very intense religious indoctrination
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>which places a strict taboo on birth control, abortion and divorce
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>is still a major obstacle. While as citizens of a Commonwealth
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>nation, Northern Irish women are technically entitled to equal
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>pay, and according to an anti-discrimination law passed at West
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_39" n="N039"/>minster in December 1976, they are protected against job dis
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_40" n="N040"/>crimination, the fact is that women’s employment opportunities
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_41" n="N041"/>lag far behind not only those of men, but behind those of most
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_42" n="N042"/>European women as well. While the legal status of Ulster women
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_43" n="N043"/>is superior to that of women in the Catholic Republic of Ireland
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_44" n="N044"/>where women still have almost no independent legal rights, a
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_45" n="N045"/>very strong patriarchal ideology still prevails throughout Ireland,
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_46" n="N046"/>and Northern Irish women are for the most part still politically
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_47" n="N047"/>subservient to their husbands as well as being educationally and
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_48" n="N048"/>economically disadvantaged. While these conditions can ulti
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_49" n="N049"/>mately be traced to the relatively low level of industrial and eco
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_50" n="N050"/>nomic development of Ireland as a whole, and to the powerful
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_51" n="N051"/>religious infrastructure, they do underline some of the reasons
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_52" n="N052"/>why feminism has failed to develop, as well as the crucial impor
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_53" n="N053"/>tance of independent women’s organizations.
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_54" n="N054"/>How then can we evaluate the effectiveness of the peace
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_55" n="N055"/>movement from a feminist perspective? While its prevailing atti
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_56" n="N056"/>tudes are traditional, in that they are not activist from a feminist
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_57" n="N057"/>or socialist perspective, the movement does potentially represent
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_58" n="N058"/>an important step forward in both of these directions. The self
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_59" n="N059"/>initiated emergence into the political sphere of a large sector of
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_60" n="N060"/>the female population which has heretofore remained inactive, or
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_61" n="N061"/>at best has existed in an exclusively supportive role in relation to
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_62" n="N062"/>those very male modes of political activity which they are now so
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_63" n="N063"/>explicitly criticizing, is not without significance to the develop
				<lb facs="#facs_83_r_2_1_tl_64" n="N064"/>ment of either.
			
			<pb n="84"/>
			
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>The rallies do help to get rid of a certain amount of
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>fear. You are going to such-and-such a place and at one
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>time you would have been frightened to go there. But at
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>the rally you’re a bit frightened but you just go on. Each
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>time you come back from a rally, you have more cour
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>age to keep going. It’s because you’re meeting with
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>people
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>Let’s face it, for seven years we went about the city
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>and sat in our homes, all the time wrapped up in our
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>own family and our own home and our own constant
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>worry that something would happen to them. You felt it
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>was just yourself had all this worry. Going out to the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>rallies is making people realize that other people have
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>the same fears and the same worries. We are able to talk
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>to each other about it. It’s bringing a new closeness.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>JJune Campion, member of a local peace group in Knok
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>nagoney'
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>It is also important to remember that the current peace
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>movement is at present not a political organization; it is perhaps
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>misleading to consider it as such. While plans for the future in
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>clude meetings designed to develop a more explicit form of
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>organization, the movement as yet has no formal structure and
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>no official platform. It is a phenomenon that can accurately be
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>termed "spontaneous” in that it has not been planned and the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>form it has taken to date can be regarded primarily as a demon
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>stration of solidarity around a commitment to peace.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>The three most visible leaders at present are Betty Williams,
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>Mairead Corrigan and Ciaran McKeown, a journalist who has
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>given up his newspaper position to support the women in their
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>struggle. The organizational network as a whole, however, is
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>neither centralized nor highly controlled by those who are
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>apparently most prominent. Indeed, there has been a consistent
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>effort by all concerned to systematically locate the basis for par
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>ticipation and direction within the numerous communities where
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>peace groups have been emerging.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>While direct support for the movement is clearly widespread
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>(estimates range from 170,000 to 250,000 people in Northern Ire
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>land alone), it is extremely hard to gauge its size or class composi
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_39" n="N039"/>tion on the basis of mass rallies and demonstrations. When I criti
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_40" n="N040"/>cized the somewhat naive character of some of the statements by
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_41" n="N041"/>movement leaders, an American woman who had gone to North-
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_42" n="N042"/>ern Ireland to participate in one of their rallies told me that it was
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_43" n="N043"/>precisely this tone that contributed to the movement’s popularity
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_44" n="N044"/>among working-class women. It is certainly true that there has
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_45" n="N045"/>been a very deliberate attempt by the peace people to avoid direct
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_46" n="N046"/>affiliation with any specific political groups, and certain of the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_47" n="N047"/>more politically “sophisticated" women supporters have delib
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_48" n="N048"/>erately remained in the background, not wishing to “take over’
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_49" n="N049"/>or divert the movement from its primary focus, that is, bringing
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_50" n="N050"/>an end to violence and encouraging local initiative toward non
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_51" n="N051"/>sectarian community development.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_52" n="N052"/>Marin de Burca, a socialist and leader of Sinn Fein (Official
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_53" n="N053"/>IRA) spoke of the peace movement in an interview during a re
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_54" n="N054"/>cent tour of the U.S.: “We go to the marches as individuals. It
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_55" n="N055"/>would be the kiss of death if we openly supported them. We have
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_56" n="N056"/>issued statements supporting them, but I don’t agree with trying
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_57" n="N057"/>to move in and take them over."
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_58" n="N058"/>De Burca believes that if the British withdrew the Provos
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_59" n="N059"/>would be politically undermined. She argues that unification of
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_60" n="N060"/>the country is still the solution but that it can be achieved only
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_61" n="N061"/>through unification of the various factions around initially mod
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_62" n="N062"/>est reforms.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_63" n="N063"/>The demand for peace is not Marxist, but in the context
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_64" n="N064"/>of Northern Ireland it is very revolutionary at the mo
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_65" n="N065"/>ment... The reason we’re looking for peace is to allow
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_1_1_tl_66" n="N066"/>us to operate openly and intensively in a political way
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>to unite Protestants and Catholics. If we have to look
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>for something that sounds as reactionary as peace, then
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>we look for it. If people can’t see behind the facade to
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>the reality then it’s their problem.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>When Marin de Burca speaks of working in a political way
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>to unite Catholics and Protestants, she is speaking as a marxist
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>attempting to organize working people to assume greater econo
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>mic control. While, as a member of the Official IRA, de Burca
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>definitely supports an anti-imperialist struggle, she feels that in
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>the long run the sectarian disputes dividing the Catholic and Prot-
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>estant working populations are perhaps an even greater obstacle
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>to the struggle for self-determination. As the situation exists now,
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>separate Catholic and Protestant labor unions render the labor
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>movement as a whole relatively ineffectual, and continued eco
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>nomic disintegration due to sectarian violence has left large sec
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>tions of the Catholic and Protestant population unemployed.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>It is interesting to note the difference between de Burca's
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>marxist analysis, which views the entire Irish working class as the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>oppressed class and the type of marxist analysis supported by
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>other Republicans, which views the Catholic minority in the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>North as the oppressed class. The Provisionals, who are not nec
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>essarily socialists but prefer to think of themselves as consistently
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>on the left, persist in opposing both the British and the Protestan
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>paramilitary and are engaged in a constant struggle for unifica
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>tion with the Catholic South. Bernadette Devlin, a socialist and
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>an aggressive Republican, generally supports this form of analysis
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>where class—purely in economic terms—is secondary to anti
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>imperialism and a class analysis stressing the political and eco
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>nomic discrimination that the Catholic population as a whole has
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>suffered at the hands of a Protestant-controlled government and
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>industry.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>The complexity of the situation and the relative inadequacy
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>of this approach is apparent when one considers, even in crude
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>terms, the economic composition of the Catholic and Protestant
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>population. While it is definitely true that the Protestant majori-
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>ty, as a group, has greater economic control, and that the high
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>est levels of unemployment in the North are in Catholic districts,
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>the large majority of the Protestant population is also working
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_39" n="N039"/>class. It is, in fact, the youths of these two communities who are
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_40" n="N040"/>fighting one another, while the small minority of Protestants who
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_41" n="N041"/>are wealthy maintain an economic advantage and have an inter
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_42" n="N042"/>est in continuing sectarian hostilities for precisely this reason.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_43" n="N043"/>It would be a mistake, however, to attempt to evaluate the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_44" n="N044"/>significance of the peace movement on the basis of its potential
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_45" n="N045"/>effectiveness in furthering the cause of other political movements.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_46" n="N046"/>It is perhaps more useful to consider the way in which the peace
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_47" n="N047"/>movement is indicative of an entirely different struggle for self
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_48" n="N048"/>determination, as well as a profoundly different approach to these
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_49" n="N049"/>issues. It is significant that what is being questioned by the peace
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_50" n="N050"/>people is not the ends of political struggle so much as the means
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_51" n="N051"/>by which ideas, opinions and interests are both culturally rein
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_52" n="N052"/>forced and socially imposed.
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_53" n="N053"/>The critical issue which is the historical source of internal
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_54" n="N054"/>Irish conflict is that of the relationship between Ireland and the
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_55" n="N055"/>British Empire. This has not only kept Catholics and Protestants
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_56" n="N056"/>feuding for generations, but has also led to innumerable splits
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_57" n="N057"/>within both camps. It is paradoxical that within this contex
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_58" n="N058"/>British imperialism is the one issue on which the peace campaign
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_59" n="N059"/>has most consistently refused to take a stand. This is not because
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_60" n="N060"/>individual participants have no opinions on this question, but
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_61" n="N061"/>rather because the movement locates the "solution” in people, in
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_62" n="N062"/>a process of interaction and definition rather than in abstrac
				<lb facs="#facs_84_r_2_1_tl_63" n="N063"/>"positions.
			
			<pb n="85"/>
			
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>For the peace people, the question of the relative legitimacy
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>of opposing traditions is momentarily suspended. What is reveal
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>ed instead is the logical perfection of institutionalized conflict.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>Military, political and even religious leaders are themselves to
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>blame, claim the peace organizers, not because of this or that
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>’position" in relation to government, but because they have kept
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>the Irish people divided among themselves. “Rationality” is for
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>them not merely a question of “right" and “wrong,” but rather
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>begins with the realization of how two non-dialectical visions of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>"right" are sustained by a culture which is imperialist and author
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>itarian in its very mode of thought.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>Problems arise, claim the peace workers, because we have
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>lost sight of a basic respect for the individual." "Solutions," they
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>assert, cannot be artificially constructed and then imposed but
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>must arise through a process of creative interaction in which gov
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>ernment does not exist to control people, to violently suppress
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>dissent, but rather as an extension of the more or less clearly arti
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>culated needs and desires of all the people.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>These concepts, while they may reveal an element of political
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>naiveté which translates as liberalism, are not rhetorical. The
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>practical orientation of the movement to date, with its emphasis
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>on open and careful discussion and a decentralized approach to
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>developing democratic forms, is indicative of this fact.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>From this perspective we might examine Bernadette Devlin's
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>claim that the peace movement is “dangerous" because it “dulls
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>consciousness. “We were stupid,” she claims, “never to have or
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>ganized the women."10 Both the truth and the potential fallacy of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>this statement are apparent. From the standpoint of almost any
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>traditional political perspective, assertions of the sanctity of life,
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>of respect for the individual and of a genuine “creative form of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>democracy" must appear naive without a "program” or a defini
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>tion of the specific conditions under which such values can be
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>realized. The peace people, however, do not qualify these condi-
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>tions; the values themselves must define the very process of po
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_35" n="N035"/>litical interaction. If this is the case, how then can we interpret
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_36" n="N036"/>Bernadette’s regret at not having "organized" the women? Is it
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_37" n="N037"/>conceivable that the women supporting the peace movement are
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_38" n="N038"/>not in fact organizing themselves, organizing in such a way as to
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_39" n="N039"/>deny the legitimacy of those very political forms into which
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_40" n="N040"/>others seek to recruit them?
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_41" n="N041"/>A supportive statement by the Provisionals, in which the
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_42" n="N042"/>peace movement is described as a "spontaneous overreaction led
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_43" n="N043"/>by the photogenic Mrs. Betty Williams" reveals both the con
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_44" n="N044"/>descension and lack of reflexivity which typify those attitudes the
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_45" n="N045"/>women are most directly challenging.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_46" n="N046"/>We are not necessarily in opposition to the peace people.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_47" n="N047"/>But we want to explain to the people that there cannot
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_48" n="N048"/>be peace without justice. We just want to explain to the
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_49" n="N049"/>people turning out to these marches what the true posi
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_50" n="N050"/>tion is and show them the road to real peace.1
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_51" n="N051"/>This raises the most subtle and yet critical issue of the peace
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_52" n="N052"/>movement’s significance. The whole notion of a “true position” is
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_53" n="N053"/>what the peace movement calls into question—it is not the politi
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_54" n="N054"/>cal views of the opposing factions that are being attacked; even
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_55" n="N055"/>the "violence” the movement condemns is but a manifestation of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_56" n="N056"/>something far more profoundly significant. The peace people are,
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_57" n="N057"/>in my opinion, not reacting simply to a specific incident of vio
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_58" n="N058"/>lence, nor even to violence in the abstract. They are (perhaps
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_59" n="N059"/>naively but nevertheless insightfully) challenging a whole tradi
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_60" n="N060"/>tion. What is fundamentally being questioned is the legitimacy of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_61" n="N061"/>the imposition of the will of one group upon another. “Justice” is
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_62" n="N062"/>not being challenged so much as how justice is socially defined.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_63" n="N063"/>imperialism, in this context, is not simply a question of national
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_1_1_tl_64" n="N064"/>or international conquest. Imperialism is the imposition of a so
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>cial order, whether through military force or political manipula
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>tion, by those with power on those without. The very question of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>how Northern Ireland can be governed, says Ciaran McKeown,
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>"is an imperialist question” because it implies the imposition of
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>political forms by politicians on people who are for the most part
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>excluded from the process of a creative democracy. Thus all ex
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>tant political solutions are inevitably violent, whether the vio
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>lence is “legal"1 or "illegal," because they require military force
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>to secure them.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>From this perspective, British colonialism, Protestant politi
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>cal suprematism and IRA military violence can be seen as identi
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>cal in their implicit attitudes toward the imposition of social or
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>der. In every case, whether justified or not, “justice” is an exten
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>sion of self-interest and democracy is a rhetorical, not a methodo
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>logical phenomenon. While it would be absurd to consider the
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>peace movement as a feminist or a socialist movement, it express
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>es values that are fundamentally in accordance with both socialist
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>and feminist thought, in that it addresses the whole issue of power
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>and questions the way the right of self-determination has been
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>eclipsed, not only by those in power, but by those who conceive
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>of power alone—economic, military or political—as the just de
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>terminant of social order.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>Perhaps it’s been our fault, you see, because we have sat
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>back—as ordinary people—which is the fault every-
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>where—where the ordinary people sat back and let a
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>few extremists say, "We are speaking and we are work-
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>ing for the people." We should have long ago stood up
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>and said, “They’re not speaking for us." I mean, people
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>have been coming out from Ireland representing the
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>people—the ordinary people, perhaps people like our
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>selves, who never had the nerve. I mean, just to be here
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>takes all the courage one has got, you know. [Mairead
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_2_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>Corrigan 13
			
			
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_1" n="N001"/>1. Margaret McNeil, “They Say That There’s Protestants Walking With
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_2" n="N002"/>Us, The Friend (London, Sept. 1976)
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_3" n="N003"/>2. Daily American (Rome, Aug. 22, 1976).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_4" n="N004"/>3. Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, Woman, Culture, and Society, ed.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_5" n="N005"/>Michelle Z. Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_6" n="N006"/>University Press, 1974).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_7" n="N007"/>4. Betty Williams on Woman program, moderator Sandra Elkin (Buffalo:
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_8" n="N008"/>WNEDTV, Oct. 1976).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_9" n="N009"/>5. Mairead Corrigan on Woman program (Buffalo: WNED TV, Oct.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_10" n="N010"/>1976).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_11" n="N011"/>6. Sinn Fein (means “we ourselves”), founded in 1916, has functioned
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_12" n="N012"/>since the 1930s mainly as the political wing of the IRA. In the 1960s it
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_13" n="N013"/>swung to the left as did the IRA and became involved in social and eco
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_14" n="N014"/>nomic agitation and in 1970 split along the same lines as the IRA into
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_15" n="N015"/>Sinn Fein, Kevin Street (Provisional) and Sinn Fein, Gardiner Street
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_16" n="N016"/>(Official). The names come from the streets in Dublin where they have
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_17" n="N017"/>their headquarters. Both groups use the name Sinn Fein, however, in
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_18" n="N018"/>spite of the fact that their views are widely divergent. The Provisionals
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_19" n="N019"/>are more militant and nationalist while the Officials are marxist and
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_20" n="N020"/>not militant.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_21" n="N021"/>7. June Campion, quoted in Peace by Peace (Belfast, Oct. 16, 1976).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_22" n="N022"/>8. Marin de Burca, quoted by David Moberg, In These Times (Jan. 1977).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_23" n="N023"/>9. Ibid.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_24" n="N024"/>10. Bernadette Devlin, quoted by Lucinda Franks, “We Want Peace, Just
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_25" n="N025"/>Peace,” New York Times Magazine (Dec. 19, 1975).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_26" n="N026"/>11. Irish Republican Information Service (Dublin, Oct. 14, 1976). Italics
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_27" n="N027"/>the author’s.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_28" n="N028"/>12. Ciaran McKeown, “The Price of Peace” (Belfast, 1976).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_29" n="N029"/>13. Mairead Corrigan on Woman program (Buffalo: WNED TV, Oct.
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_30" n="N030"/>1976).
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_31" n="N031"/>Sarah Charlesworth is an artist and photographer who lives and works in
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_32" n="N032"/>New York. Her previously published writings have dealt with art and social
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_33" n="N033"/>theory. She was a founding editor of The Fox and is a member of the anti
				<lb facs="#facs_85_r_3_1_tl_34" n="N034"/>catalog collective.
			
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